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EP. 0 Tráiler – Superclásico 94: cuando el fútbol cambió

Tráiler – Bukele: el señor de Los sueños
EP. 1 Alguien como Bukele
EP. 2 Muévete rápido, rompe cosas
EP. 3 La hora de la medicina amarga
EP. 4 El evangelio (del Bitcoin) según Bukele
EP. 5 ‘Batman’ descubre el viejo negocio de la violencia
EP. 6 La última elección
EP. 7 Después de Bukele
Tráiler: El péndulo
EP. 1 Pennsylvania: del ‘cinturón de óxido’ al ‘cinturón latino’
EP. 2 Nevada: la preocupación por la economía
EP. 3 Florida: donde América Latina vota
EP. 4 Arizona: demócratas y republicanos en la frontera
EP. 5 Carolina del Norte: el poder de las comunidades religiosas
EP. 6 Una marea roja: el regreso de Trump y el futuro de los latinos
Tráiler: La Ruta del Sol
EP. 1 La botella
EP. 2 La grabación
EP. 3 La entrevista
EP. 4 Las pruebas
EP. 5 La necropsia
EP. 6 El debate
EP. 7 El conspirador
EP. 8 El contacto
EP. 9 El fiscal
EP. 10 El rompecabezas
Tráiler: Las Reinas de Queens
EP. 1 Santa, Madre, Reina
EP. 2 Bienvenides a la Casa Martínez
EP. 3 Las reinas del escenario
EP. 4 La Santa Puta
EP. 5 Un martes cualquiera en Queens
EP. 6 Tres reinas, dos disparos
EP. 7 Batalla por la Roosevelt
EP. 8 La Escuelita
EP. 9 Del Darién al True Colors
EP. 10 Más allá de la Rúsbel
Tráiler – Superclásico 94: cuando el fútbol cambió
EP. 1 El doble crimen
EP. 2 Gerentes de la pasión

3 | The Queens of the Stage

Las reinas del escenario

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Hello, a warning before we begin: this series contains sensitive content including violence, drugs, and sexual language. We recommend discretion.

Our stage is a small, old platform…

[Keyly Rosemberg]: It was in 2003 that I started going out to the clubs, watching the shows.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: At the back of a dimly lit bar…

[Keyly Rosemberg]: Maybe one of the first shows I ever saw was at a place called Lucho’s Club, which was on 69th and Roosevelt Avenue.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: It’s already the early hours of the morning, the busiest hours, and the performers — mostly trans — are lip-syncing to the most heartbreaking, and sensual, and danceable songs in the Latin American songbook.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: I would go there to watch them. I loved it. It’s just something else, seeing so much beauty — because you can call it beauty. Seeing them looking so pretty  on a stage, performing a song, like you’re watching a real artist. But I never said I’ll be on a stage. I never thought about being in a show.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Introducing  Keyly Rosemberg. Leader of the Rosemberg family, one of the mothers within the community of the Queens of Queens. We heard about her at the end of the last episode.

Keyly is a sex worker, a performer, and she also cleans offices in New Jersey. She arrived in New York from El Salvador in 1995, when she was 13 years old. And by the time she was 17, she was already going out to party with her friends to the bars on Roosevelt Avenue in Queens. She got in with a fake ID.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: From the moment you arrived you paid $5, you danced all night. At two, two-thirty in the morning they’d stop the music and the host would start running the show.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And she began to love that world of nightly performances. Especially the way the hosts — the emcees — ran the shows every night. Between songs they would approach the audience, joke around, drink… but mostly, they would direct attention to the evening’s performers.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: The hosts always look for three or four people who do one or two songs each, and those are the ones who entertain the crowd. The host comes out, then the next one, then the third. And so on.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: One night, in the mid-2000s, at the legendary Lucho’s Club on Roosevelt, Keyly saw Laura Martínez’s show for the first time — Laura, who we met in the last episode. That night Laura lip-synced to Rocío Dúrcal.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: And well, for someone who has never been in front of a real artist, you feel like you’re actually watching the artist, because she really looked like Rocío Dúrcal. I don’t remember the songs, but yes, everyone enjoyed it, they  enjoyed it. She just looked so beautiful, so beautiful. She embodied the character. And she conquered all of Queens.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Like that,  many years went by…

[Keyly Rosemberg]: Keyly Rosemberg was watching the artists for 20 years, 20 years being their fan. 

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Because they don’t become mothers and families  overnight: they take root in the harsh and unforgiving atmosphere of Roosevelt Avenue, where solidarity and competition go hand in hand. And in an environment like that, not many families survive.

From Central Series and Radio Ambulante Studios, this is Las Reinas de Queens. I’m Rula Ávila Muñoz. Episode 3. The Queens of the Stage.

Some years are best forgotten. For Keyly Rosemberg, that was 2015.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: It was a very hard year.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Her mother died back in her home country.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: I left in an emergency for El Salvador…

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And then her husband was unfaithful to her.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: That same day I found a lawyer and decided to get divorced.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But out of those two sorrows came a rebirth that began with a friend’s proposal.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: She says to me, «I want you to do a Selena show,» she says.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: A Selena show at a bar on Roosevelt. That meant getting up on stage — the very thing that she had been too shy to do for decades.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: Oh, it made me laugh. «Are you crazy?» I said to her. «How am I going to be putting on a show? I don’t know how to do that.» «Yes, I want you to do it,» she says. «It’s to send money to a home for the elderly in El Salvador for some old folks. You can sometimes do a lot with a dollar. » She convinced me. I asked a friend to lend me a dress. She lent it to me. «Yes,» she said, «yes, I’ll lend it to you.» They dressed me in a red dress. They did my makeup. They put my hair up in a bun. And they transformed me into Selena. 

Well, feeling nervous, I said, «I don’t know how this is going to go, but I’m going to do it.» And I did it. I performed «No me queda más» by Selena. At the moment I was performing «No me queda más,» so many things went through my mind: my relationship, my mother. But more than anything, my relationship…

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: With that heartbreak, Keyly gave in to the moment. She nailed the lip-sync perfectly and the rest was pure improvisation.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: I do whatever comes to me on stage. Throwing a bucket of beer in my face — I’ll do it. If it occurs to me to throw myself on a table on stage, I do it. So I don’t practice.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And that approach worked.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: The crowd adored me. I don’t know if it was because it was my first time, or if they genuinely liked my show. But the crowd really adored me. I did super well on tips.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The tips. With those and with the audience’s applause, Keyly’s shyness evaporated. And suddenly, the royalty of the Roosevelt Avenue nightlife scene took notice of her.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: I received a lot of messages from old-school trans friends, the ones who already have experience. Among them, Lorena St. Cartier, Laura Martínez. And they told me: «Don’t give up, you do it beautifully. For your first show, you knocked it out of the park.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And one of those queens, Lorena St. Cartier, gave Keyly a piece of advice.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: «Keyly,» she says, «your worst enemy on a stage is the audience. Why?» she says. «Because the audience tries to scan you from head to toe. They stare directly at you, in case you slip up on something.» And she says: «Challenge them. When you’re on that stage, live the song, sing it. Don’t look away from that person, arouse them. Like when you’re arousing  a man.» Her words have stayed with me.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And with her 20 years of experience as a spectator, Keyly already knew how to stand out among other artists.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: There are a lot of girls who are gorgeous at performing — at doing the splits, jumping, doing backflips. I’m not going to do that because I have silicone in my body. I’m not going to do it, but I know how to choose a song. I’ve been able to go to any stage, and I know what song to bring.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Keyly sensed that if she wanted to carve out a space for herself, she had to be unpredictable. That’s how her career on the Roosevelt stages began — as a chameleon capable of ruling a cumbia, a ranchera, a bachata, or a cheesy ’80s ballad.

Soon, the family mothers reacted. Among them, a queen named Jesica Lafontaine. Like Laura Martínez, Jesica had her own family of performers and shows: the Lafontaine family.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: Jesica Lafontaine, who, at the time, was the promoter of the nights — Noches de Aventurera — came up with the idea of crowning me Miss El Salvador.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The Miss El Salvador or Miss Central America or Miss-whatever-other-country-or-region crown is awarded by the show promoters, who are usually also the mothers, the heads of the houses.

So having one of those mothers crown you means a great deal, because a crown opens the doors to the royalty that moves through the nightlife world of Queens. A crown brings applause, prestige, attention.

On the other hand, the person who bestows a crown does so knowing they are empowering and taking under their wing a girl who will cultivate followers that will bring more dollars and business to the bars. These new audiences will help keep the houses and their respective mothers relevant.

Crowns are therefore a way of surviving, but also of expressing pride and identity.

And so, with her new crown, Keyly drew in some girls who did sex work on the street and let them join her with their own shows. Little by little she protected them from the loneliness and danger of being out in the open, extending that same kindness she herself had once received.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: When they crown me, the girls I bring in from the street to watch my show start calling me: my mother, mother. And we formed a little group of about six, with me — maybe because I was the oldest — as the leader. And people started saying, «the Rosemberg family.» That’s where it all began.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But crowns are also heavy. And they also sow envy and competition. Because according to Keyly, other queens saw her shine as a threat.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: The people who had pushed me to do shows started giving me dirty looks when it came to lending me clothes. First of all because we’re in an envious environment.  So if you work for Club Evolution and I want your outfit to go to El Trio — which is my other house, El Trio — you’re going to feel like, why should I lend it to her if she’s taking it to the competition. That’s where the jealousy starts.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Added to that rivalry between friends — or frenemies, as they say in English — are the bars competing against each other, their owners, their promoters, and the respective houses led by those already established mothers.

And faced with the lack of borrowed outfits, Keyly once again used her resourcefulness to hold on to the place she had earned. In the middle of necessity, she found a challenge and a passion that would make her family stand out: fashion design.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: I started buying fabrics, making little things for myself. Everything looked good on me. So I bought an industrial sewing machine, a better one, I paid around $600 for it. But I, Keyly Rosemberg, am not going to wear an outfit I’ve already worn.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And since then she has made more than 300 costumes — for herself and for her daughters.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: I don’t like a Rosemberg child to show up in rags or to show up looking bad. Because that reflects on the mother. That reflects on the family.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: After the break, we’ll meet one of Keyly’s daughters: Zuleyka Rosemberg. And with her, the art of winning crowns and choosing a mother.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Welcome back. So, a family needs daughters.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: Well, to begin with, I have many names. Legally, my name is Levi Urquilla, and that’s how I’m known mostly in the LGBT community, working collectively. But at night, or in the bars, or in the shows, in the competitions, my name is Zuleyka Rosemberg.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Zuleyka is Salvadoran and arrived in the city in 2019, when she was 25 years old. And well, it was a tough arrival.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: It was mostly the first week that I was sleeping outside, in the parks, or sometimes… One night, I slept on the train.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But she didn’t let herself be intimidated. She soon found a bed in a shelter and began exploring the city, especially the bars on Roosevelt Avenue in Queens. And there, at one called El Trio, she met a group of trans girls and gay guys. They were from Guatemala, Mexico, Honduras, El Salvador… And that little group had a name: La Casa del Rostro — the House of the Face.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: Because we were like only young girls, like under 25. And we were all very young and pretty. I didn’t consider myself pretty but there I was anyway.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: At the time Zuleyka identified as a gay boy. And that’s how she joined the group.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: We spent time together. It was mostly a group of dreamy girls living together, who had just arrived in this city.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Zuleyka started spending her time in the bars on Roosevelt. And there she came across stars like Laura Martínez and Keyly Rosemberg performing as their most beloved artists.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: Rocío Dúrcal, Marisela, Laura León, Selena…

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: For Zuleyka it was love at first sight with the shows: the colorful dresses, the sequins and the lights, the beauty of the performers and their ability to mesmerize everyone: the drunk and the sober, the macho and the not so much.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: The sparkle, the sparkle of everything. The energy that people transmitted in the show or on the stage, that’s what caught my attention. Because there can be many… Let’s say there can be ten people, but if just one of them has that sparkle of talent and charisma and personality, I mean, that makes all the difference.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Because, in case it hasn’t been made clear, these are not improvised shows. That is, they’re not a karaoke night where you write your name on a slip of paper and go up there and sing. No. The shows are an art form.

To begin with, there are several genres. There are the dance numbers, usually featuring tropical music or samba. This is the most demanding genre, the one that requires tremendous physical fitness from the performers, because if they drop the intensity of their dancing for even one second, they lose the audience’s attention and respect.

Then there’s the romantic genre: the tearjerker songs, the heartbreak and betrayal anthems, very Juan Gabriel or Paquita la del Barrio. Here what counts are the subtle gestures, the flirtatious glances at the audience, the elegance and class.

And finally, you have the dramatic numbers. In these, the performers act out the lyrics of the song as if they are living them in their own flesh. And to help their performance, they can bring all kinds of accessories and props — from confetti and nightstands to picture frames, decorated walls, and fans.

But the shows are also an art form because there are rules about what makes a good or a bad performance. There is an aesthetic. And that’s why there is a huge difference between beginners and masters — or, as Zuleyka calls them: «the old school.»

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: The old school will always put much more time, much more sacrifice, into a show than someone new. Because the new ones nowadays, mostly, it’s about throwing themselves on the floor, spinning around, and doing the splits. The old school doesn’t do that, but she focuses more on making you feel the song, on making sure you see her looking great, that she comes out polished, that she comes out neat in her costume.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But on top of that, the masters earn a tremendous amount of money in tips. And for someone newly arrived in the city, like Zuleyka, that was quite an attractive incentive.

She wanted to be on the stage, like Laura Martínez or Keyly Rosemberg. And she didn’t just want to shine like them — she also wanted to earn like them: fame and dollars. And so Zuleyka asked one of her friends from La Casa del Rostro to introduce her to one of the hosts at El Trio. And she gave her a chance.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: I remember I was nervous for the first show because I didn’t know if there would be anyone there.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The show was on a Thursday. Zuleyka stepped onto the stage wearing a borrowed wig and a borrowed dress.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: Back then I didn’t know how to do my own makeup. I went out on stage looking funny. And well, that was that — that was the first time.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: She performed a ballad by the diva of divas.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: It was a Rocío Dúrcal song.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Zuleyka managed to win the audience over and the bar’s promoters invited her back for a second show.

That time she did a Celia Cruz song: «La negra tiene tumbao.» And it was then that she met the legendary Jesica Lafontaine, who we mentioned a moment ago, the one who had crowned Keyly back in 2018. And she told her:

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: That she had liked my show and that she liked how I looked because I looked very slender — tall, slim, and dark-skinned — and that the song had worked and that I danced beautifully. So she wanted me to be part of her group, or her family. And I said yes. And just like that I joined the Lafontaine family.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The Lafontaine family was one of the most prestigious in Queens. Joining them was a real honor.

This was January 2020. The pandemic shut down Roosevelt Avenue and the bars started organizing clandestine shows in private homes and basements. You could only attend by invitation.

And Zuleyka was part of them. That’s how her career began — underground.

And when the bars reopened on Roosevelt, Zuleyka — Zuleyka Lafontaine — already had a good reputation. That last name opened doors. And she took advantage of every opportunity she was given. If she had to perform every night for a week, she did it. That’s how badly she wanted to stand out.

All while she was still living in a migrant shelter, and all while doing sex work from time to time on the dating app Grindr to supplement her income.

It was around that time that she met Keyly Rosemberg. And Keyly captivated her with her provocative outfits and her irreverence.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: She is very authentic. She is very wild, to put it that way. You see her on the street and if it’s the first time you’re meeting, she starts right in with her antics, starts asking you things that maybe nobody has ever asked you before, but since she’s so bold, she just asks. 

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: About boyfriends, about sex, about sex work… She just was that overfamiliar.. And when Zuleyka found out they were from the same country — El Salvador — they became inseparable.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: And that’s where I got to know her better — that she is a really good person, that she would take the food out of her own mouth to give it to you.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Keyly would let her stay at her place, feed her, and also advise her on starting a new life in New York.

And so the months went by.

One night, at the bar El Trio, Jesica Lafontaine put on her signature show. It was called Noches de Aventurera and it was hugely famous — so much so that sometimes a competition by that name was organized, and the winner took home a crown.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: The Noches de Aventurera crown — a lot of girls fought for it, and it was like the ultimate crown, at that time, in the whole community.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: In other words, winning it could establish your status as a performer.

But that night Jesica crowned Zuleyka. With no warning, no competition.

It was controversial. According to Zuleyka, some of Jesica’s other daughters weren’t too happy about it. Because in theory, several contestants would compete for that crown  — usually around 10 or 12. And it was won on the stage, through sweat and high heels. Not by being hand-picked. But Zuleyka didn’t care much.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: I was happy that they were recognizing in such a short time the artistry I had, because I was already being called to quite a few bars to perform.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And at each of those shows she could earn around 70 dollars in tips.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: Yes, as an Aventurera girl and also as Zuleyka Lafontaine, I’d go: everywhere I was invited. I’d go. 

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But at the same time Zuleyka was beginning to understand what it meant to belong to a family like Jesica Lafontaine’s.

Because when she had just arrived, with the girls from La Casa del Rostro, Zuleyka thought that the houses were just a little group to hang out with. But now, with Jesica, the family was becoming something more serious, with more obligations.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: And I was starting to realize that really, more than anything, it was mostly about helping the lady and being there in case she needed something, being like her chaperone. So I started not liking that.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But on top of that, Zuleyka was hearing rumors that sometimes Jesica took advantage of her daughters’ kindness and trust. That she expected absolute availability from them and would only do you a favor if you paid it back.

For the record, we reached out to Jesica in several ways to speak with her about this, but she never replied.

At first Zuleyka paid no attention to those rumors. But as time went on and she realized they were true, she started to feel uncomfortable.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: And I think that was what I was mostly waiting for — like, there’s a certain point at which you say, «OK, this is where it ends with her and I cut ties.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: That moment came one night in mid-2021, in the form of a message from Laura Martínez.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: She reached out to me and said, «I want to crown you Revelation of the Year.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Revelation of the Year at the Roosevelt Avenue bars. Like being nominated for an Oscar for your first film. Laura continued:

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: «And it doesn’t matter that you have…» — because she’s always like that — «it doesn’t matter that you have that crown,» she says, «from Noches de Aventurera. I want to crown you as Revelation, because you deserve it.» So, «OK, let me think about it, because I have this crown and I don’t know what to do.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Because Laura and Jesica were rivals.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: They didn’t get along and couldn’t stand the sight of each other.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Both were hosts of their own shows on Roosevelt and competed for audiences and attention — and of course, they each had their vanities.

So accepting Laura’s crown meant snubbing Jesica Lafontaine’s crown. And her last name.

But at the same time, Zuleyka felt she deserved that new Revelation of the Year crown. She had spent months putting on unique shows — «burning herself out in the bars,» as she puts it — even risking audiences growing tired of her performances.

On top of that she was tired of being Jesica’s chaperone. And when she talked it over with Keyly, she also encouraged her to accept the crown. She even offered to take care of the dress.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: So she said, «if you’re going to accept the crown, come over to the house and find something to wear here, so you look beautiful at the coronation.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: So it was decided. Zuleyka said nothing to Jesica. She simply let Laura know she accepted.

The coronation took place at Lunas, a small bar on Roosevelt. Laura invited Zuleyka up to the stage. And there, just before placing the sash and the Revelation of the Year crown on her, Laura leaned into her ear and asked: How do you want me to introduce you?

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: «How do you want me to introduce you?» As Zuleyka Rosemberg. And that’s where Zuleyka Rosemberg was born.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Zuleyka Rosemberg. The answer came straight from her heart.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: Well, because I already felt… I already felt close to Keyly. I already felt like part of her.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: It surprised everyone: Laura. And Keyly, who was there in the audience, applauding her, with her enormous smile.

When mother and daughter found each other at the end of the show, Keyly hugged Zuleyka and said: Welcome to the family.

A short break and we’ll be back.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: We’re back. Thi is Las Reinas de Queens.

Two days after being crowned Revelation of the Year, Zuleyka received a message from Jesica Lafontaine: she wanted her to return the Noches de Aventurera title.

Zuleyka agreed. She thanked Jesica for everything they had lived through together. But that was the end of their relationship. 

Zuleyka was now a Rosemberg. And with Keyly’s help she began something she had been thinking about for months: her transition.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: She encouraged me to want to become a trans girl. Because she told me, «OK, but being a girl on the outside opens a lot of doors for you. Love comes your way» — which isn’t true. But still, with her words I also started to see all of this. 

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Hormone therapy was difficult. She suffered from depression, anxiety, hunger, her hair was falling out… It was a cocktail of feelings she wasn’t sharing with anyone, not even with Keyly.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: And also, since I didn’t have a mental health professional either, it hit me hard.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But on top of that she had to put up with what other trans girls said about the changes that were beginning to show in her body — that her chest wasn’t big enough, that her hair was too short… Comments that felt like a straitjacket about how a trans woman was supposed to look.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: Because of that same prototype — that you’re not yet a complete woman unless you have breasts, hips, long hair.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: They were hurtful, painful, and unfair words, but quite common.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: The trans community is very, very, very intense and can get to the point of being passive-aggressive with comments. That’s why a lot of girls sometimes halt their transition, or don’t go through with it, for that very reason. Because a lot of the time these comments come from girls who have already had surgery — they seem to forget that they went through the same thing too, and instead of helping the girls, they tear them down. And that’s what happened to me back then.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Zuleyka collapsed. She needed to escape from everything. She interrupted her treatment and cut her hair.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: And I decide to leave. I decide to get out of New York.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: At the time she was living at Keyly’s place, but on the day of her departure…

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: That day I knew she was home, but I didn’t… I didn’t want to bother her because she had already told me she wasn’t going to say goodbye.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Because Keyly had told her she’d rather not.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: I wanted to tell her that we’d see each other soon, that it wasn’t a forever goodbye, just a see-you-later.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Zuleyka went to Los Angeles. She worked in construction for three months. Then she went to Oakland, further north in California, and there she worked in a kitchen. She barely had any free time. Every now and then she talked with Keyly — they missed each other. But aside from that, she barely socialized.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: I never really went looking for more friendships…

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: She was afraid of being criticized and judged the way she had been in New York. They were months of deep loneliness.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: While going through these constant changes I couldn’t find my happiness. And being out there in California I realized that the only one who matters in this life is me, and no one else. I don’t have to be like everyone else in order to be happy, because I can be happy in my own way.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Zuleyka didn’t owe anyone any explanations. In California she decided she was going to resume her transition. She was going to be a trans woman on her own terms, regardless of what others said. But on top of that, she decided she would return to the place she missed most at that moment — where she had left her family: New York. She arrived in June, the day before Pride Day. And she went straight to Keyly’s house.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: She hugged me and we held each other and I said, «hi, how are you?» And we stood there hugging for about half a minute, and then she asked me how I’d been, why I hadn’t let her know. I wanted to surprise her.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: That same night, Zuleyka went back to bar El Trio to perform a show. And the emcee of the evening welcomed her.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: The guy starts saying: «Oh, the one who had disappeared, a girl who has returned and come back stronger than ever. Ladies and gentlemen, Zuleyka Rosemberg.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Zuleyka performed the song «Mírame» — «Look at Me» — by Edith Márquez. She chose that song for its lyrics.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: «Look at me, I’m not the same as before. This smile is for someone I love to death. Look at me, it’s a pleasure to greet you, now that you live so sadly, and I’m so happy.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And yes, that night everyone looked at her. Zuleyka’s return filled the Rosemberg family with energy.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: The Rosembergs were the boom at some point  and everyone wanted to be a Rosemberg. We got to be 20 people.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: I had up to 20 kids.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Here’s Keyly again.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: There were trans girls and gay guys who dressed as women. The first thing was telling them, «look, our goal is this: here in the United States we have no family. Some guys fall into bad habits out of loneliness, out of stress. We want to have a different kind of dynamic, so we’re not alone.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But according to Zuleyka, many of those girls who claimed to be daughters were only there to take advantage of the family’s fame.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: At that moment we were the family of the year, so to speak. But little by little they each drifted away. 

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And the truth is that keeping a family like the Martínezes, or the Lafontaines, or the Rosembergs going…

[Keyly Rosemberg]: It is very hard. It is very hard to maintain a family in every sense of the word.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: To start with, the families of the Queens of Queens are born out of encounters between strangers. And that sometimes doesn’t work.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: Sometimes you have two kids who can’t stand each other and they’re siblings — they fight, and you have to step in and get in the middle of it.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Keyly has always tried to set boundaries around what is and isn’t allowed in her family. For example: she doesn’t care if her daughters use drugs or alcohol.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: It doesn’t bother me because I’m not their biological mother. So they should  have their own freedom too. And I’m not into the after-party. I’m not… And they are. They like to go out for drinks.  They’re young, they deserve it — as long as, I always tell them, they do it carefully, then go ahead, but don’t be calling me — and they all know this — don’t be calling me at five in the morning, at six in the morning, telling me something happened to them.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But she does care if her daughters misbehave at a club, where they socialize with other families. Embarrassing behavior can lead to a falling out.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: Two girls left me, and it really hurt. It broke my heart that they left for the same reason — because in my family there is discipline. And one of the rules I always had was that you had to behave when you go to a club. 

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Keyly talks about the balance between being a biological mother and a companion. But reaching that balance is hard.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: Because at the moment, you say… You really take on  the role of a biological mother. But then you say, «no, you can’t treat them that way because they’re not your child.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: It has happened to Keyly several times that she has loved her children deeply only to watch them leave.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: That was one of my worst mistakes. Falling in love — not like, not as a partner, not like that… Loving them as if they were your own.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But that pain is offset by the satisfaction of watching her daughters on stage.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: Seeing a Rosemberg kid get up on that stage is like watching a real artist. I enjoy it, I live  it. I’m so nervous that something might fall off them, that something might go wrong, everything. I’m so nervous and I feel so happy.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: That’s why she has accompanied Zuleyka through her entire rise as a queen. And she has encouraged her to go beyond Queens.

One day in 2023, Keyly invited Zuleyka to an event in Washington DC. A beauty pageant for the entire trans Latino community in the United States — something very different from the Roosevelt shows.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: Because each competition has its own way of scoring, its own way of competing, its own way of doing things and organizing.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: For example, there’s a category called swimsuit. Another category called question and answer. Another evening gown and interview. So there’s a panel of judges in the back scoring who does it best.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: It sounds very selfish, but within competitions, that’s how it is. The more sparkle you bring or the more feathers you bring — the more fabulous the outfit — the more people will love you, or the better the judges will score you.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: When Zuleyka saw the girls come out with their feathered pieces, their rhinestone gowns, with perfect make up, she knew she had to be up there.

So a year later, Zuleyka entered a competition: Miss Mundo Latina USA, in the New Comer participant group.

She trained for months for her talent number — a dance mix of several songs. And Keyly helped her with her dress.

And so the big night arrived in March 2025. Zuleyka went through each of the challenges: swimsuit, evening gown, talent…

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: I wasn’t expecting to win, but I wasn’t going to hold back either.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And the final challenge — question and answer.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: They asked me what had inspired me to want to participate. My answer was that first of all, more than anything, it was about inspiring people who were just starting out in this beautiful art of drag performance; and inspiring trans girls to know that not only gay guys can do this kind of thing, but that trans girls can do it too.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: It was a smart and diplomatic answer. It was like a universal celebration of the artform she had been practicing ever since she arrived in New York. And when the moment came to announce the New Comer winners…

[Emcee]: Ladies and gentlemen, there was one single winner across all categories… 

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: They announced third place, then second. And then… 

[Emcee]: Please welcome the new Miss Mundo Latina USA New Comer, winner of swimsuit, talent, question and answer, and evening gown: Zuleyka Rosemberg!

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: «Ladies and gentlemen, Zuleyka Rosemberg!»… I couldn’t believe it.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: She burst into tears. She never could have imagined she would experience something like this when she arrived in the United States. But on top of that, she was winning something far more valuable than a crown.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: I think this is very important for us because beyond empowering you, it makes you visible. Because we often see them on the street, maybe doing sex work or at home. But by entering this world, they don’t know whether they might be able to bring out the talent they have.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: As queen of the competition, Zuleyka has had to work for New York’s trans community — from handing out condoms to sex workers on Roosevelt Avenue to performing during the Queens Pride parade. Her title of Miss Mundo Latina USA Newcomer has come with responsibilities.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: Well, I have to use it for that — so people can see that they didn’t crown me just to crown me, but that they crowned me for a reason. And that reason is that I help, that I collaborate, that I’m there and present in the causes that deserve it.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Today she works at the Colectivo Intercultural Transgrediendo, one of the most important organizations in New York’s trans community. There she supports people who have just discovered they are HIV-positive. She can do that work because she herself carries the virus.

[Zuleyka Rosemberg]: Having HIV isn’t like a thought or a reference point that you’re going to die soon — it’s more like going back…  For me, personally, it’s like being reborn, like getting to live again. And there I give them examples of people who have had HIV for 40, 60 years and are still here.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: For a community so deeply affected by the HIV epidemic — one that watched almost an entire generation disappear because of the virus — these kinds of stories matter. They give hope.

And among all the queens of Queens, there was one whose stories did exactly that: drew a line connecting the past, the present, and the future.

A queen whose stories became a balm and an energizer for a community still in mourning over the death of Lorena Borjas.

A woman who was destined to become the new queen of all queens: Cecilia Gentili. Santa Cecilia. The mother of all whores.

Las Reinas de Queens is a podcast from Central, the series channel of Radio Ambulante Studios, and is part of the My Cultura podcast network on iHeartRadio.

This series was produced by Diego Senior and Pablo Argüelles, with additional production and reporting by Nikol Pizarro, Joana Toro, and Andrés Sanin.

The editors were Daniel Alarcón, Silvia Viñas, and me.

Fact-checking by Bruno Scelza and Nikol Pizarro.

María Linares did the sound design and mixing, as well as the original music.

The series’ graphic design and art direction are by Diego Corzo.

Product development for Las Reinas de Queens was led by Natalia Ramírez. Digital production was carried out by Ana María Betancourt and Óscar Luna.

Business development and strategic partnerships were led by Camilo Jiménez Santofimio. Julián Santos and Eric Spiegelman provided legal support.

Las Reinas de Queens is an original idea by Diego Senior, Joana Toro, and Andrés Sanin.

The executive producers are Diego Senior; and from Radio Ambulante Studios, our CEO, Carolina Guerrero.

At iHeart, the executive producers are Arlene Santana and Leo Gomez.

Part of the funding for this project was provided by the Greater Good Science Center at the University of California, Berkeley, as part of their «Spreading Love Through Media» initiative, with support from the John Templeton Foundation.

You can follow us on social media at centralseriesRA and subscribe to our newsletter at centralpodcast.audio.

I’m Rula Ávila Muñoz. Thank you for listening.

Este podcast es propiedad de Radio Ambulante Studios. Cualquier copia, distribución o adaptación está expresamente prohibida sin previa autorización.

This podcast is the property of Radio Ambulante Studios. Any copy, distribution, or adaptation is expressly prohibited without prior authorization.

***

2 | Welcome to Casa Martínez

Bienvenides a la Casa Martínez

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Hello, a warning before we begin: this series contains sensitive content including violence, drugs, and sexual language. We recommend discretion.

In the days and weeks following the death of Lorena Borjas, one word that was used over and over to define her: “mother.” “The mother of the entire Latin trans community of Queens.” That’s what they called her in obituaries, and articles, and tributes. And this way of referring to her was not a coincidence, because mothers are extremely important in the world of Las Reinas de Queens.

They are the backbone, the glue. And they are the leaders of the various families that make up the Latin trans community of Queens. Chosen families, because they have often been rejected by their own. These families live together and support each other and also compete in bars along Roosevelt Avenue, in impersonation shows and beauty pageants and trans organizations in New York.

Mothers define the rules and traditions of those families. But, whats more: they give them their last names.

[Laura Martínez]: So, of the two last names I remember from before, when I had just arrived, I say that it’s the Duval family and the St. Cartier family. Later on, after the Martínez, new families were born..

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And those last names are legendary.

[Laura Martínez]: The Santa María family began, for example. There were families like Las Chacalosas. There was also the family of the newer ones, the Rosemberg. Maybe for other people it’s different, but for me, a last name, in the family, is protection. It is help, it is support. It says: you are not alone.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: She is Laura Martínez. And what we’re going to tell you today is how she formed her own family, one of the most emblematic of Las Reinas de Queens. A family forged in the clubs of Roosevelt Avenue.

There, in impersonation shows and beauty pageants, among sequined dresses, 4-inch heels, cascades of glitter, lots of tequila, to the sound of Gloria Trevi, Laura León, and Alejandra Guzmán, girls newly arrived from all over Latin America began to ask Laura for advice. They wanted to be performers like her, to look good on stage, to begin their transitions.

[Laura Martínez]: So I can help the kids by giving them a wig, an outfit. The outfits I no longer used I would give to them or lend to them. Shoes I no longer used, I would give to them.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Laura helped them: to shape their bodies with padding and foam; she gave them advice; she lent them her address for bureaucratic procedures; and she even mediated with their biological families. 

[Laura Martínez]: I talk to their mothers when they don’t want to accept them. And I start telling their moms: “you have to help, you are hurting your daughter.”

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: She also welcomed the girls into her rococo apartment, decorated with gold-framed mirrors, imitation tapestries, portraits of the virgin in fake gold. That is her sanctuary. And there she has been a host for years.

[Laura Martínez]: We would get together every week at the house to eat together, to cook food for them, some tamales. And that’s how I showed the others what it means to live together. It wasn’t just part of the show, or part of the clubs, or part of pageants or part… Everything was material. But it wasn’t integration.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And when the girls had nowhere else to stay, Laura invited them to sleep at the apartment.

[Laura Martínez]: The living room was full at night. You would see them there, all piled up sleeping on the rug. 

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Over time, the girls sheltered by Laura began to see her not only as a protector and an inspiration, but as a mother. And they began to shed their old last names.

[Laura Martínez]: They would say to me, “hey, can I take your last name? It’s to thank you. If you would do me the honor.” I say, “yes, of course.” They start taking the last name Martínez. And that’s when I understood that the family would start there. That’s how my family began.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The Martínez family.

[Fonsi Martínez]: Fonsi Martínez, 37.

[Romina Martínez]: Romina Martínez, 27 years old.

[Quintanil Martínez]: Quintanil Martínez, 21 years old.

[Carolina Martínez]: Carolina Martínez, 24 years old.

[Cari Martínez]: Cari Martínez, 31 years old.

[Carolina Martínez]: Well, in the family I am a new member. I’m the new one, the new one. I am very grateful to mother Laura because she opened the doors for me. When I arrived here…

[Romina Martínez]: So I asked for help and they recommended who is now my mother that I have here, where I feel very much at ease. Very happy, content. Like a family that I have very far away and well nothing here…

[Cari Martínez]: But the best thing that ever happened to me is having arrived here to the United States and meeting my mother, Laura, whom I’ve been telling you about, since I knew of her, from the country where I lived, in Chile, I would see her events, her shows, because she is very famous. And now being here is fulfilling a dream.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Laura says she has had more than 50 daughters, who have come in and out of her home, over the decades she has been working in Queens.

The Martínez family is famous for its impersonation and singing shows. Performances that also heal wounds. The connection between Laura Martínez and her chosen daughters was not the result of chance.

It was born from a vital need: to let go of the families that were imposed on them and create another one, their own. Because her story is not just hers. It is the reflection of many—perhaps all—undocumented Latina trans women who arrive in New York searching for much more than a refuge. Laura has turned her last name, the Martínez last name, into a way to radically fight back pain. 

From Central Series and Radio Ambulante Studios, this is Las Reinas de Queens. I’m Rula Ávila Muñoz. Episode 2. Welcome to Casa Martínez.

When she was a child, Laura helped her mother clean the house and prepare food for her siblings. And while they did it, her mother would turn on a yellow and silver radio that she had bought in installments.

[Laura Martínez]: Well, you know that she really liked all that romantic-trio music she had. She loved it. She loved the trio Los Panchos. She loved to listen to Sonia López.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And Laura did too. The voices that came out of the radio seemed to lift her up as if she were an artist on a small stage.

[Laura Martínez]: I would grab one of my mom’s scarves, I would put it on my head, I would wrap it around and grab a brush, a comb. And that was my microphone. And I would start lip syncing the song. I would grab my broom, I would dance and give myself to it and I liked it. And life felt lighter.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The world around her disappeared: her little body, her old and patched clothes, her house with dirt floors. And for a second she would also forget that little town where she was born in 1963: Papantla.

[Laura Martínez]: That’s where vanilla is cultivated. That’s why they say: the city that scents the  world is Papantla, Veracruz.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But for people like her, that tropical, mountainous place, so close to the sea was, above all, hostile.

[Laura Martínez]: Families were traditional, provincial; a man is a man, a woman is a woman. So Papantla was always a marginalization.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Laura’s parents gave her a boy’s name. But she never felt comfortable either with that name or with her body.

[Laura Martínez]: I felt like a girl, completely.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Laura was the odd one out. And because of that they mistreated her, at school, at home. Especially her older brother.

[Laura Martínez]: He would hit me and marginalize me and point at me and yell at me and whisper to my ear: “Shut up, you faggot, joto.”

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The only one capable of standing up to these abuses was Laura’s father. A loving man who —something unusual for the time— was able to understand that Laura was different. But he died when Laura was six years old. From that moment she hardly had anyone else who understood her. Until at 11 years old she met Juana.

[Laura Martínez]: Everyone called her Juana La Loca. That’s the nickname they had given her in the neighborhood. It was forbidden. My mom would say, “don’t go, don’t talk to her.” But secretly, I’d do it. 

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Juana was a trans girl. She was in her twenties, and worked in a cantina.

[Laura Martínez]: I started getting close and she would ask if I liked dresses, wigs, or I liked makeup, I said “I would like to.” Then she says, “do you want to become a woman? Take a pill.” And she would give me a pill.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: She gave her Premarin, a medicine to restore estrogen levels during menopause. Juana didn’t seem to care about treating a minor like that. Today, Laura justifies her like this:

[Laura Martínez]: She wanted me to be like her, because it was a rejection that she had and needed… It’s like when you have a team and you need someone to join so you’re not so alone too.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Juana also started dressing Laura as a girl. She would do her makeup, put a wig on her, put foam on her hips and padding on her chest. And like that she would take her to the cantinas on the outskirts of Papantla. There Laura danced for the ranchers for a few pesos that she would then bring home.

[Laura Martínez]: My mom would say to me: where is this money coming from? So I would make up that…

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: That she had earned those coins shining shoes, selling gum, newspapers and lemons. That went on for almost a year. Until one afternoon, Juana and Laura ran late at a ranch. And they couldn’t miss the last bus back to Papantla.

[Laura Martínez]: So we ran. I didn’t have time to undress, remove my makeup, take off my wig and my little pads that I had on my body.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The bus dropped her off near home. Laura ran and went in through the kitchen, quietly.

[Laura Martínez]: But I didn’t know that my mom was there waiting for me, because it was already late. And she looks at me and is shocked and starts to cry. And she says, “what is this? Why are you doing this to me?” And I said, “to earn money, to help you.” And she says, “no, no, no, no, no, it can’t be.”

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: It was the first time her mother had seen her dressed as a woman.

[Laura Martínez]: She didn’t want to touch me. I tried to hold her and she rejected me. She could see in her mind the path I had chosen and the suffering that lay ahead, because later I understood that when someone hurt me, she was the one who suffered most. But at 11, at 12 years old, I didn’t understand that.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Laura didn’t understand either the decision her mother made at that moment: she put her on a bus and sent her to live with her uncle Juan Ignacio in Mexico City.

[Laura Martínez]: He turned out to be the monster, right? But for me it was good at first. Mexico helped me psychologically because people didn’t point at you or judge you.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The anonymity of the city protected her. At her new school no one hit her. Her brothers weren’t there. And on top of that, her uncle, who loved the arts, opened up a whole new world for her.

[Laura Martínez]: I would go to the Palacio de Bellas Artes, which I loved. He taught me what a zarzuela was, what an opera was, an operetta. All that glamour fascinated me, I loved it. He rented a private box. Can you imagine? He had money.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Juan Ignacio gave her gifts. He was the father Laura had lost, the one who took care of her. Until he wasn’t. 

[Laura Martínez]: It was in the early morning that he would rape me. At first I resisted, I tried to resist, but he would beat me badly with a belt.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Laura didn’t speak about this with anyone, not even with her mother. The resentment Laura felt toward her for having sent her to Mexico was deep, and the relationship between the two was broken. On top of that, Laura also thought that if she told her mother anything, she wouldn’t believe her. After all, Juan Ignacio was family. So she endured it until she was 17, and with some saved pesos, she escaped.

[Laura Martínez]: So I go to the border. I want to change my life. And you always think it’s going to be beautiful.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: A short break and we’ll be back.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: We’re back on Las Reinas de Queens.

After fleeing Mexico City, Laura lived a couple of years in Matamoros, a city on the border with Texas. There she worked as a taco vendor to survive.

She also began her transition. But at first it was very hard for her to show herself as she truly was.

[Laura Martínez]: I was very self-conscious. I was afraid of people.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: She didn’t speak much, she hid her voice.

[Laura Martínez]: My little mustache still showed. I was ashamed to go out on the street without makeup.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But opposing that shame was a desire she had carried since childhood: to be an artist. So, in a club in Matamoros, she began putting on impersonation shows — lip-syncing to songs.

[Laura Martínez]: When you’re an impersonator, you watch the artist on television. I would learn their hand movements, their mouth movements, their body movements.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Laura didn’t only imitate the movements of the artists. She also began building herself a new body.

[Laura Martínez]: It looked super natural on me, but it wasn’t. It was a fake body.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Laura would pad her hips, calves, buttocks, and chest.

[Laura Martínez]: It was material used for upholstering furniture or cushions.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And on top of that she wore five pairs of stockings. She called that fake body «the doll.»

[Laura Martínez]: And I longed to have a natural body, that was your dream, it was your goal, it was the hopes you built up in your head.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But she also longed to leave the artistic world of Matamoros behind, because she had outgrown it. Until a colleague told her about the ideal place to really grow:

[Laura Martínez]: So she tells me, «come over, there are more places to work here where you can develop more artistically and spread your wings.» So I go to Guadalajara. In 1989, at La Malinche, which was a very well-known club, I made my debut as the one and only Manoella Torres.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Manoella Torres, an American singer of Puerto Rican origin. Laura performed her song «Ahora que soy libre» — «Now That I Am Free.»

[Laura Martínez]: I cry when I perform that song. I feel it, I live it, and I make the audience feel it too. So I truly won the crowd over.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Laura’s career began that night. They hired her at La Malinche. She was inspired. And she began impersonating other artists. But one night at La Malinche, just as the show was getting started…

[Laura Martínez]: The manager came running in, very excited, and told me, «hey, you look a lot like Laura León.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Laura León, a very famous Mexican actress and singer.

[Laura Martínez]: Her music was very catchy, very danceable, and people liked her, they loved her. She was always the one who livened up the shows.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And for exactly that reason, the manager of La Malinche asked Laura to impersonate her and lip-sync to her songs.

[Laura Martínez]: And when I did Laura León, I brought the house down. It was a total success. And that is when I decided to take the name Laura.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: So great was Laura’s success — our Laura — that a club in Tijuana, in Baja California, offered her her own show for twice the money.

[Laura Martínez]: And that’s how I arrived in Tijuana. I opened with the song «Suavecito,» which was already a hit. I got to open wearing a red dress with mittens — I’ll never forget it, it was my debut. I remember I started with my back turned to the audience. Then I turned around… And the crowd just went, «wow.» I mean, people wouldn’t even let me sing or dance, because they were lining up to give me tips. And I was like, «oh my God.» My dress filled up so much that there was no more room for all the tips they were giving me.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Laura’s life changed completely. She had the admiration of the public, a big house, enough money to start investing in her transition therapy. And she also had a new family. Accompanying her in her shows was a small company of dancers and backup singers, most of them trans. They were called las fenómenos — the phenomena.

[Laura Martínez]: We all lived in the same house, and when we went to work, they rode in my car. The van was packed full. All of us together, and we all came back home together. I mean, it was a group, but it was also more like family, you know? Because we were together every single day.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But she also found something invaluable that she had been searching for for a long time. After years of having barely any relationship with her mother, Laura convinced her to fly to Tijuana from Veracruz. And it was from her most natural state — the stage — that Laura was able to show herself to her mother in full shine, being her true self, as she had never been able to do so before.

[Laura Martínez]: When I walked out onto the stage, she stood up and hugged me. And it was very moving, very moving, because the whole audience stood up too, and I felt this beautiful warmth. And my mother said to me, «I love you, you are my pride. And I’d always want to be by your side to protect you, because,» she told me, «if there was ever a day you felt rejected, I always wanted to protect you and be with you always.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The reconciliation with her mother brought Laura an immense sense of peace. Perhaps for the first time in her life, she felt whole. But between 2000 and 2001, Laura suffered several blows that destabilized her. She lost her mother to a heart attack. She fell into a depression. She began to neglect herself. And on top of that, three girls from her company were accused of assaulting a minor — something that turned out to be false. But the damage was already done.

[Laura Martínez]: I start losing my shelter. After having a big house, we move into a small, ugly place, and we all crowd in together. And I didn’t want to give up the show.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Laura had to complement her income some other way. Fear and the responsibility she felt toward her group — her family — pushed her to seek a drastic solution. Something she perhaps never would have dared to do if her mother were still alive.

[Laura Martínez]: I start doing sex work because I no longer have money to pay my employees, my girls, my dancers.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: During the week Laura worked on the street and at a hotel, and on weekends she performed her show. Until, soon after, an offer came her way that could change her situation: one of her dancers told her that a woman named Argelia was looking for impersonators to perform shows in New York.

[Laura Martínez]: So I tell her, «honey, tell her to give me a chance. Tell her to take me for just a couple of months, as long as she can. I need to save up money. I’m never going to save money here.» So she talks to her and she sets one condition: «I want her tomorrow.» Okay. It was my birthday and I decided to leave the next day. We had a farewell dinner celebrating my birthday, and on August 21st, 2003, I was off to New York.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Laura flew on a tourist visa. When she arrived in New York, nobody picked her up at the airport. She took a taxi and showed the driver the address Argelia had given her.

On the way into Manhattan, the city she saw through the window didn’t surprise her. Not the big highways, not the bridges over the river. Not even the skyscrapers. New York was simply a means to an end. Laura’s plan was to perform for two or three months, earn a lot of money, and then go back to Mexico to put her show together.

With that mindset, she walked into Argelia’s apartment.

[Laura Martínez]: And it was a very beautiful place, carpeted. Lots of things, antiques. And I meet Argelia for the first time. Heavy-set, with enormous, huge breasts, and she leads me into the living room. And the first thing she says to me: «Take your clothes off.» And I just… «Yes, take your clothes off.» And she made me take off all my clothes.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Strange, uncomfortable, yes. But not enough to discourage her. By then, Laura already felt much more at ease with her body. So she took off her clothes, Argelia looked her over and said:

[Laura Martínez]: «Oh, you have a beautiful body. Perfect. Get dressed.» And she says, «we’re going to take you. You’re going to start working right now.» «Right now?» I said. «What about my costumes?» «No! Just grab two changes of clothes. We’re taking you to apartment 530 on 47th Street, apartment 4B, on the West Side.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: On the West Side, on the other side of Manhattan. Argelia’s helpers took her to that apartment. It was elegant too. Everything was red: the furniture, the curtains, the rugs. There were other women and trans girls there, about 20 of them.

[Laura Martínez]: And they told me, «take your clothes off because they’re going to sell you.» «They’re going to sell me?» «Yes, they’re going to sell you.» And then I realized this wasn’t about a show. I felt so small. I wanted to run. I was left speechless. But my mind kept asking: what am I doing here? What is happening?

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Laura had become a victim of a human trafficking network. They took her passport and her visa. And they began sexually exploiting her immediately, with exhausting schedules. Always in the apartment. There, she and the other women would see clients.

Argelia did pay her, but the money didn’t go far. They wouldn’t let her go out anywhere except the Mexican corner store next to the building. Asking for help wasn’t an option either. Her captors watched her constantly. And on top of that, they frightened her: they told her the police could throw her in jail.

[Laura Martínez]: It was traumatic, you know? Because I thought, «well, we’re prisoners here, locked up.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Laura spent several months like that, always thinking about how to escape. The first thing she did was bribe one of her captors with a thousand dollars to get her passport and visa back. Then, with her documents in hand, she waited.

Laura remembers that the chance to escape came one afternoon in July 2004, eleven months after arriving in New York. Her captors came rushing into the apartment and told them:

[Laura Martínez]: «Grab your stuff and let’s go. Now.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Someone had reported them to the police.

[Laura Martínez]: I mean, everything happened so fast. There was fear, dread, anguish.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And chaos. And Laura took advantage of it.

[Laura Martínez]: The first thing I said: my papers, my things, my money, because I had money.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And while all the other girls were running downstairs and out into the street…

[Laura Martínez]: «Hurry up, hurry up.» I quickly ran inside…

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: She ducked into the Mexican corner store. And there she asked the man in charge for help. De was Mexican too.

[Laura Martínez]: And I said to the man, «please,» I told him, «I am being held captive,» I said. And he helped me, and said, «this way.» And he led me through a courtyard, through a garden where the trash is thrown out, behind the buildings. He took me in and said, «don’t make a sound.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: A short break and we’ll be back.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: We’re back on Las Reinas de Queens.

Laura hid for hours. That night the Mexican store owner came and told her everything was quiet. The captors had gone and the police hadn’t shown up either. After 11 months of suffering, Laura was free.

[Laura Martínez]: And to help my family, I decided to stay.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And she set out to find what she had really come to New York for.

[Laura Martínez]: Where can I find a show? So the Mexican guy says, «head to Queens, that’s where the Mexican community is.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Laura took the subway to Queens. She arrived at Roosevelt Avenue.

[Laura Martínez]: I started walking, looking around, seeing that there was food, there were street vendors, shops, and everyone was speaking Spanish, and I felt right at home. And there I started asking around where there were drag shows, you know? And I started knocking on doors. It wasn’t easy. It took months of asking for auditions.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: She did it at the Music Box, at Lucho’s, at the Atlantis. It was at those clubs where she got her first opportunity to impersonate Laura León. It was there where she began to be a mentor to so many girls, as we heard at the beginning of this episode. And it was also there where she crossed paths for the first time with Lorena Borjas, the mother of all mothers.

[Laura Martínez]: I saw her for the first time standing there with her little bag full of condoms to hand out. She said to me, «I just love your show, how admirable, you look so much like Laura.» And she started telling me, «I need you. You have that voice. You have that charisma. People follow you. I can’t speak in public. I get embarrassed. The microphone scares me. I want you to help me.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Lorena asked Laura to invite the audience during her shows to pick up condoms and get tested for HIV. And she agreed.

[Laura Martínez]: Our first HIV tests at a club were at Atlantis, in my dressing room, with nothing but black curtains. First we did one, one little module, then it became two and then three.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: There, immersed in the nightlife of Queens, between art and solidarity, Laura finally noticed what had been obvious all along: she had found her family.

More than twenty years after arriving in New York, Laura has today shaped a family based on her own experience. And she has welcomed so many daughters into her home that over the years she has watched them build their own lives.

And they all proudly carry the last name Martínez.

[Romina Martínez]: Romina Martínez, 27 years old.

[Quintanil Martínez]: Quintanil Martínez, 21 years old.

[Carolina Martínez]: Carolina Martínez, 24 years old.

[Cari Martínez]: Cari Martínez, 31 years old.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: They have all also experienced one of Laura’s shows firsthand. And well, to give you a better sense of it — one night in 2024, Diego, our producer and reporter, accompanied Laura to one of her shows. Laura picked him up in her Toyota SUV.

In the car were some of the materials Laura uses to work her magic: a huge mirror, a lone pink shoe, a plastic crown on the back seat, and a pair of sheer stockings, already worn.

[Diego Senior]: Dear Laura, where are you performing tonight, where is your show tonight?

[Laura Martínez]: Tonight I’m heading to El Trio Bar. That’s where I work on Mondays. I’m celebrating 20 years of my Spicy Mondays. And the shows are at two in the morning in Queens. The venues close at four in the morning. That time was set because before they were starting at one in the morning. But here’s the thing — venues in Manhattan close at midnight, so a lot of people from the LGBTQ community work as waiters, as bartenders in Manhattan, in restaurants. So those working people come to Queens, to the clubs, to have fun.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: They tend to be migrants who offer crumpled dollar bills — probably the tips they earned during the day.

[Laura Martínez]: That’s why a lot of people think it’s late, but the people coming from Manhattan are just getting off work, and they’re the ones who, uh—

[Diego Senior]: Brenda is calling you. Brenda is calling, answer.

[Laura Martínez]: Hello!

[Brenda]: Hi, beautiful sister. Sorry to bother you with this. Is La Patrona on Friday and My Second House on Saturday, or are they both on the same day?

[Laura Martínez]: No, no, no, no, no. Friday — I told you, La Patrona is Friday, and Saturday is…

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Brenda is a friend of Laura’s; they’ve known each other for about twenty years. She also has her own shows and is one of the few who doesn’t lip-sync — she actually sings. Diego took the chance to ask her for a sample of her talent. He asked Brenda if she knew the song «Hacer el amor con otro» by Alejandra Guzmán.

[Brenda]: “Amanecer con él a mi costado no es igual que estar contigo…”

[Diego Senior]: Oh, bravo!

[Brenda]: “No es que esté mal, ni hablar. Pero le falta madurar, es casi un niño…” 

[Diego Senior]: Wow. Bravo! Spot on!

[Laura Martínez, at El Trio]: We’re going to have a great time tonight, aren’t we? So welcome, enjoy your evening, have a wonderful time. Let’s have fun!

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: El Trio is on the second floor of a Mexican restaurant next to a forgotten auto repair shop, near Roosevelt Avenue in Queens. The bar is dark, with a damp smell, a sticky counter from all the spilled tequila and beer, mirrors and lights, rickety chairs and torn cushions.

Laura already knows by heart how to execute each of her shows — from impersonating Laura León to being the host, the one who welcomes the audience and entertains them between other performers’ numbers. Because that is what Laura is: a hostess. With a spicy touch.

[Laura Martínez]: I bring in Mexican cheekiness, double meanings… You have to have the grace to do it so the person doesn’t take offense. So, calling a heavy-set woman heavy, but without making her feel bad — like saying, «oh honey, who did you eat?» I mean. And people laugh. Little things like that. Or to some skinny guy over there I’ll say, «and you, sweetheart, you haven’t eaten, have you? Someone’s going to eat you up. Come here, I’ll feed you. Come on, I’ve got my girls.»

[Laura Martínez, at El Trio]: Hey cousin, Is the cousin hot or is she not?  She’s delicious, she’s tasty. To hell with it. It doesn’t count if you’re related

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: That night the celebration was flawless. But as we said at the beginning of this episode, Laura’s is not the only family among the Queens of Queens. One night, some time later, Diego was at another party.

[Diego Senior]: Excuse me, who is she?

[Rosemberg daughter]: Kylie Rosemberg.

[Diego Senior]: And she is…?

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: A party where other daughters support other mothers.

[Rosemberg daughter]: She does activism with us at the Collective. She joins us in the activities and everything. She’s very well known in the celebrity scene, in the shows, in the bars and all that. And she’s the matriarch of a group, a family. You know that within our community we do what’s called chosen families. Because our…

[Diego Senior]: Like the house…

[Rosemberg daughter]: Because our families sometimes reject us, so we seek out our own group. And she is the mother of… Well, she would be my mother in the scene and the mother of Zuleyka Rosemberg.

[Diego Senior]: From her house, Rosemberg.

[Rosemberg daughter]: Yes, I mean she has supported us. At one point I was in need and she reached out and helped me…

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And indeed, Casa Rosemberg and Casa Martínez are part of a long list of last names and families: St. Cartier, Duval, Lafontaine, Chacalosas… Each last name, each family, is a kingdom, with its own laws and traditions. And its battles.

[Laura Martínez]: That has always been, is, and always will be — the competition. I can tell you: Kylie Rosemberg and I say today that we are sisters. But if our daughters are going to compete, then we forget about being friends or sisters. May the best one win. Whether I’m talking about a St. Cartier or a Martínez Cabrera, or Smith or other families — if you don’t go in with the mindset to win, you won’t do anything right.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Because in this world divided between the shows and the street, standing out is an unstoppable desire. And every step, always forward, is a reaffirmation of the right to exist in the face of rejection.

We are entering a fierce and brilliant universe. That is where the Queens of Queens live.

Las Reinas de Queens is a podcast from Central, the series channel of Radio Ambulante Studios, and is part of the My Cultura podcast network on iHeartRadio.

This series was produced by Diego Senior and Pablo Argüelles, with additional production and reporting by Nikol Pizarro, Joana Toro, and Andrés Sanin.

The editors were Daniel Alarcón, Silvia Viñas, and me.

Fact-checking by Bruno Scelza and Nikol Pizarro.

María Linares did the sound design and mixing, as well as the original music.

The series’ graphic design and art direction are by Diego Corzo.

Product development for Las Reinas de Queens was led by Natalia Ramírez. Digital production was carried out by Ana María Betancourt and Óscar Luna.

Business development and strategic partnerships were led by Camilo Jiménez Santofimio. Julián Santos and Eric Spiegelman provided legal support.

Las Reinas de Queens is an original idea by Diego Senior, Joana Toro, and Andrés Sanin.

The executive producers are Diego Senior; and from Radio Ambulante Studios, our CEO, Carolina Guerrero.

At iHeart, the executive producers are Arlene Santana and Leo Gomez.

Part of the funding for this project was provided by the Greater Good Science Center at the University of California, Berkeley, as part of their «Spreading Love Through Media» initiative, with support from the John Templeton Foundation.

You can follow us on social media at centralseriesRA and subscribe to our newsletter at centralpodcast.audio.

I’m Rula Ávila Muñoz. Thank you for listening.


This podcast is the property of Radio Ambulante Studios. Any copy, distribution, or adaptation is expressly prohibited without prior authorization.

Este podcast es propiedad de Radio Ambulante Studios. Cualquier copia, distribución o adaptación está expresamente prohibida sin previa autorización.

This podcast is the property of Radio Ambulante Studios. Any copy, distribution, or adaptation is expressly prohibited without prior authorization.

1 | Saint, Mother, Queen

Santa, Madre, Reina

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Hello, a warning before we begin: this series contains sensitive content including violence, drugs, and sexual language. We recommend discretion.

Alexa was 28 years old. She lived on the streets of San Juan, Puerto Rico. She used to wander through the neighborhoods of the capital with a mirror in her hand. It was said she used it to make sure no one was following her.

Not much was known about her. Some believed her family had kicked her out of the house and that she suffered from some type of mental illness.

On the afternoon of Sunday, February 23, 2020, she went into a women’s restroom at a McDonald’s in San Juan. Some people took photos of her.

On social media, a rumor spread that a man dressed as a woman was using a mirror to spy on women in the bathroom. Some said something needed to be done.

Early the next morning, Alexa’s body was found in an empty lot in San Juan. She had been shot multiple times.

[Archival audio, news report]: And now we go to Puerto Rico where they are searching for the relatives of the transgender woman who was shot and abandoned.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The news of the brutal murder of Alexa, a trans woman, spread across the island and around the world.

[Archival audio, news report]: The FBI could come in and open a hate crime investigation but they haven’t done so so far. 

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Protests were organized. Even Bad Bunny spoke out.

[Archival audio, news report]: And the artist wore a shirt with the message: «They killed Alexa, not a man in a skirt.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Being trans in Latin America means having a life expectancy of no more than 35 years.

In 2020, the year of Alexa’s murder, our region was one of the most dangerous in the world for trans people.

And that is why, a few days after her death, and thousands of kilometers away, in the city of New York, a group of Latin trans women decided to organize a vigil in her honor. It was as if a sister or a daughter had been killed. Or as if they themselves had been killed.

[Woman at vigil]: We are all Alexas. We all think they’re going to come after us because we’re trans. I’m afraid to walk around, even in a city that’s supposed to be safe.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The vigil was organized by the Puerto Rican trans community in New York. Women from many other Latin American countries joined in. They were trans, undocumented, and in many cases, also sex workers.

[Liaam Winslet]: Long live trans activism!

[Women at protest]: Down with the patriarchy!

[Liaam Winslet]: Because they were taken alive!

[Women at protest]: We want them alive!

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: That night, in a small park on Roosevelt Avenue, in the Jackson Heights neighborhood of the borough of Queens, beneath the elevated subway tracks, around 50 people gathered.

Among them was a trans woman. Her name was Lorena. Nearly 60 years old, Mexican.

Lorena was perhaps the person with the greatest authority and prestige there, but that night she remained silent, listening in the front row to her companions — or, as she called them, her pájaras.

[Liaam Winslet]: It’s very important that we understand this work concerns all of us — it’s not just a matter for Puerto Rican women, Black women, or Latinas. It’s a matter of coming together as a trans community. Regardless of our skin color. 

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The one speaking is Liaam Winslet, also trans, Ecuadorian.

[Liaam Winslet]: I remember we had had a protest here in front of the office, in the little park here.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Liaam and Lorena were close friends, colleagues, and fellow activists. If anyone knew how important Lorena was to the Latin trans community of New York, it was Liaam.

[Liaam Winslet]: Well, she was the… We always say the mother of Queens, the queen of Queens, but she was always the queen here — so she’s like this queen of the Jackson Heights area.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: A queen, yes, but also a companion, with no need to be the center of attention — like that cold night in Queens.

[Liaam Winslet]: I remember that was the last action we did where Lorena was present. The whole community was together. And we had already heard, a few days, a few weeks before, that there was a situation with a virus going around. But we were like, «oh, it’ll never get here. That’s not going to happen, and so on.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: That virus was Covid-19, the coronavirus.

[Cristina Herrera]: I think it was around the end of February. I don’t remember exactly, because I’ve blocked that period from my mind because it was very hard.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: This is Cristina Herrera, also trans, born in El Salvador, and one of Lorena’s closest friends.

[Cristina Herrera]: I would tell her, «Lorenita, try not to go out too much, try not to…» Because she used to go visit a lot of girls in the community.

[Archival audio, news report]: The city has become a ghost city, but the number of infections and deaths continues to rise.

[Cristina Herrera]: And she would tell me yes, that she was going to see less people and so on. But Lorena was always very generous, and so she kept on doing her outreach work like that.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The thing is, Lorena was irreplaceable. No one had protected the community the way she had for so many years.

[Liaam Winslet]: I remember she said to me, «pájara, this situation is really hard,» because some of the girls had already called her to tell her they had also tested positive for COVID. She told me, «Liaam, we have to do something to help the pájaras, because a lot of them don’t have food. Some of them are worried. Some don’t want to go out because they’re scared.»

[Archival audio, news report]: The death toll in the state of New York has doubled in just three days. Doctors are overwhelmed and alarmed by the rapid spread of the virus.

[Liaam Winslet]: A few days later Lorena told me, «Liaam, I feel sick. I’m running a fever. I have a sore throat, my body aches.» And I was like, «what? I mean, how are you, what are you feeling?» She says, «it’s this, I’m feeling it, I’ve already had a temperature for about two days,» and so on. I told her, «well, let’s go to the hospital.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Meanwhile, other friends were keeping a close eye on her.

[Liaam Winslet]: They would call me saying, «Liaam, what’s happening with Lorena? She told us she’s in bad shape. We haven’t heard from her. What happened?»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But neither Liaam nor Cristina knew exactly what had happened to her.

[Liaam Winslet]: We were only told: she was transferred. But nobody knew where — we didn’t know where they had taken her. The ambulance had moved her to another hospital, but nobody knew which hospital.

[Cristina Herrera]: We couldn’t find her. We didn’t know where she was, which medical system she was in.

[Liaam Winslet]: So among all of us it was like, «look, there’s no way. How can we? Someone who can go and ask.» Nobody wanted to go out. There was total fear. And going to the hospital was pointless because they weren’t going to let you in. So there was a very, very great concern. We didn’t know where to go or what to do.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: What will we do without Lorena?

In the midst of the chaos and fear of the pandemic, that was the question her friends kept asking themselves as they searched for her.

And this is the question we will try to answer over the next 10 episodes.

When a group of women with so much stacked against them loses their adoptive mother, their greatest advocate, their queen — how do they carry on?

From Central Series and Radio Ambulante Studios, this is Las Reinas de Queens. I’m Rula Ávila Muñoz. Episode 1. Saint, Mother, Queen.

There are so many recordings of Lorena Borjas: Lorena on the news, Lorena at marches, and Lorena at community talks with trans women in New York.

But here we’re going to start with a more intimate Lorena.

In 2012, Guillermo Flórez, a Spanish documentary filmmaker, visited Lorena at her small apartment in Queens. And while she was getting ready to go out for the night, he filmed her. We are listening to the audio from that video.

[Lorena Borjas]: The accessory. The accessories…

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Lorena, then 52 years old, is sitting in front of a large mirror and a case full of makeup brushes and cosmetics.

[Lorena Borjas]: I haven’t washed my brushes.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: She begins to powder her full face. There are already a few wrinkles. She lines her eyes — small and mischievous.

[Lorena Borjas]: Can you believe I ran out of lash glue?

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: She combs her hair, pulls it back, and puts on a braided wig in the shape of a crown.

[Lorena Borjas]: «They say men shouldn’t cry over a woman.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: She puts on large golden earrings. She looks unmistakably Mexican. Since she was six years old, she knew she was a woman.

[Lorena Borjas]: And I wanted to look like that — like a Mexican vedette. I don’t know if you’ve heard of her, her name is Lyn May, a very famous Mexican entertainer. And I was a huge fan of hers. I used to say, «I want to look like that woman, so beautiful and lovely.» And I was always playing with my sister’s dolls. I was always doing things like sewing. And my brothers would say to me, «you’re going to like men, right?» And I’d say, «oh, no, come on, I’m going to like women.» But I would say to myself, «never.» And I laughed on the inside. And I’d think, «can’t they see?»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Lorena looks at herself in the mirror for several seconds. She smiles coyly.

She is Lorena.

She crossed the border in 1981, through the Rio Grande, when she was 20 years old.

[Lorena Borjas]: Honestly, when I saw that river, I didn’t want to cross. «Oh no,» I thought. I said to myself, «I’m going back to my Mexico. No. What am I going to do, to look for another country?» But I was already there. I said, «it is what it is.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: She went all the way to New York. She wanted to be somewhere she could safely undergo her hormonal transition, because in Mexico that simply didn’t exist. But the New York she found was very different from the one she had imagined.

[Cristina Herrera]: Back then New York was a city full of graffiti, full of crime.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: This is Cristina again. She arrived in the city in 1985, being 16 years old.

[Cristina Herrera]: It was also filling up with people who had problems with substances — crack. It was starting to destroy a lot of neighborhoods here.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The crack and HIV epidemics were at their worst, and the LGBTQ community was particularly vulnerable. On top of that, at the time no one talked about the differences between a gay or bisexual person, much less a trans person. So carving out a place for yourself was hard.

[Cristina Herrera]: Back then we didn’t have safe spaces where we could gather. In those days you either hung out in the bars, or you hung out in, say, places like train stations, certain train stations, and Port Authority.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Port Authority, the bus terminal in midtown Manhattan, at 42nd Street and Eighth Avenue.

[Cristina Herrera]: So every day after work, we would go to 42nd. That’s where we met up with other trans people, other people who were LGB.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: A place to chat, to meet people, even to cruise — to have sex in public places.

[Cristina Herrera]: For me it was a really nice experience, because it wasn’t just worry and discomfort anymore, it was also like, maybe this is going to be my new family.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And it was there, around 1987, that Cristina met Lorena.

[Cristina Herrera]: You’d see her on the street and think: this is a schoolgirl, because she had her two little buns, one on each side, with her little clips, just like a little student girl. So that’s when they introduced us. She says to me, «hi mami, how are you?» and greets me. And back then too, like now, we’d give each other a little hug, like to reaffirm that we’re part of the community.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: By then Lorena had already been in the city for about six years. She had found work at a belt factory in the Garment District, a few blocks from Port Authority. She was also in the middle of her transition. On top of that, she already had her residency. She got it through the amnesty that President Reagan granted to undocumented immigrants in 1986. And she was studying accounting.

In other words, things were going relatively well for her.

But not long after, in ’89, she lost her job at the factory. And the further along she got in her transition, the harder it became to get hired anywhere else. This is how Cristina explains it.

[Cristina Herrera]: A trans person couldn’t just walk into a place, into a McDonald’s, and say, «I want to apply for a cashier position.» They’d laugh in your face. Or they’d take your résumé and throw it in the trash — sometimes right in front of you, because there were no laws protecting us, so to speak. There was so much ignorance.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: As the 1990s began, Lorena could no longer find opportunities. She faced discrimination and was running out of money. And that pushed her into sex work, a crime punishable by up to three months in jail in New York State.

She soon met a woman who would find her clients in exchange for a cut of the earnings. Without realizing it, Lorena had become the victim of a human trafficking network.

She began walking Roosevelt Avenue. Remember this street, because we’ll visit it many times in this series. Roosevelt is one of the most important avenues in Queens, where sex workers gathered — and still gather — at night.

[Liaam Winslet]: Back then, when she arrived here, it was hard to be trans, to be a sex worker.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: This is Liaam again.

[Liaam Winslet]: Substances were very easy to come by. Back then Lorena used substances, used alcohol, and she talked about it openly, right? She would say, «I’m a survivor because I was abused by the system.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: For example: if a client wanted to drink alcohol, Lorena had to join him; if the client wanted to use drugs, same thing.

[Liaam Winslet]: Nobody knows what you’re living. If you have a client, and the client pays you a thousand dollars, you’re not going to say no, because in that moment you need that thousand dollars. She used to say, «when I went with my clients, I’d go to a hotel and wouldn’t come out until three or four days later because the client was paying me for each day to be with him.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: It was a vicious cycle. Little by little, substance use became both a means of survival and also a source of comfort.

[Cristina Herrera]: She was already a joyful person even without being under the influence of alcohol or drugs. But when she was under the influence, she was so much more joyful. She made us laugh more, she made things feel more normal, she helped us forget our problems more.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Because Cristina was also a sex worker. And going out on the street at night was a huge stress.

[Cristina Herrera]: When that little voice inside you sometimes starts to say that being trans isn’t the best, or that it comes with complications, she helped us neutralize or ease that kind of thinking.

[Liaam Winslet]: She used to say, «Liaam, when I was very young I did so many things because I felt so much pain. I carried so many memories, so many wounds from my life, a lot of abuse too,» right?

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: It was around that time that Lorena contracted HIV. Receiving news like that in those days, when treatments barely existed, was like being handed a death sentence. But on top of that, Lorena was also suffering domestic violence at the hands of her partner. And as a sex worker, she was a constant target of police abuse on Roosevelt Avenue.

[Cristina Herrera]: Working on Roosevelt back then, trans women were like easier prey for police to meet their quotas. Because Roosevelt at that time was full of drug dealers, they were brazenly selling on the corners. But it was trans women that the police went after because trans women were never going to fight back.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Throughout the 1990s, Lorena was arrested several times, always for reasons tied to her sex work. All of this criminal history was enough to make her too afraid to renew her residency. She was scared. And so Lorena began living undocumented. She fell into extreme precarity. Liaam sums it up this way:

[Liaam Winslet]: Being a trans woman, being Latina, being a woman of color, being an immigrant, living with HIV, not speaking English — it all becomes a constant barrier.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Here is Lorena again.

[Lorena Borjas]: I used to go to a support group here in Queens, and in the support group there were trans girls who were using drugs, who were using alcohol. And I would think, «but how am I going to give advice when I also drink, when I also, in one way or another, use drugs, in one way or another get drunk?» Well, I couldn’t see myself reaching out to a girl.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But she began doing exactly that: reaching out to her fellow women, going wherever they went to help them. Lorena knew by heart the streets that sex workers frequented and the clubs on Roosevelt Avenue where Latin trans women gathered.

She started visiting those places with a cart full of condoms to hand out. Something that today sounds like a small thing, but in the 1990s was very risky. The police could arrest you and charge you with prostitution if they found three or more condoms in your bag. That’s how harsh the laws against sex workers were.

[Lorena Borjas]: I learned my work from the streets. I learned it with the girls. I myself had many run-ins with the police, and from not being well informed. What can I do? Where should I go? Who’s going to help me? Well, nobody knew.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Lorena put no limits on her help. One example: many times the city’s shelters — the ones supposedly giving refuge to vulnerable populations — would turn away Lorena’s companions for being trans. So she would invite them to her home.

[Liaam Winslet]: When you arrived at Lorena’s house, you always wondered why she had that little folding bed at the entrance of her home. You’d think, «why?» Until she would say, «no, because sometimes the pájaras, when they come by, I know a lot of them don’t know where to stay. So I have that little bed because I know how hard it is when you don’t have a safe place to sleep.» So many of our companions — and I include myself — stayed in Lorena’s bed, right? It was like something very sacred. She could renovate her house, fix up her house, change things, but that bed always had to be there for whichever girl might need it.

[Lorena Borjas]: And people would say to me, «Lorena, you sound like someone who’s into activism.» And I’d say, «what is this activism?» They’d say, «activism is what you’re doing.» And I’d tell them, «what I’m doing is something I enjoy — helping out. And also, I don’t like injustice.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: That’s how she spent several years — with street-level activism. She did what she could, but in those days HIV kept spreading. And the police never stopped harassing trans sex workers.

[Lorena Borjas]: Well, one day, on a Friday, eight girls were arrested. Another weekend, twelve were arrested. Another weekend, five. And on and on like that. One day I said, «No. Lorena Borjas needs to step up. Who’s going to do this work? Lorena Borjas. Lorena Borjas is the one who’s going to look out for these girls who have no voice and no vote.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: We’ll be right back.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: We’re back with Las Reinas de Queens. 

In the early 2000s, the obstacles facing Latin trans women in New York were many: transphobia, precarity, police violence. But among all of them, there was one far less obvious: invisibility.

Almost no one knew what the problems were, much less the needs of the community. And that’s where Lorena came in. She began weaving a network of contacts with organizations across New York: health clinics, activists, and immigration lawyers. And she brought to them the community’s stories so they would know what was happening.

[Lorena Borjas]: We brought testimonies to a table, to a discussion panel. How we could use that to tell the police… To tell the New York City police that what was happening was unjust. Why so many arrests? Why were so many transgender girls being deported?

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: She also began accompanying HIV patients at a time when the stigma weighed heavily. Cristina told us that Lorena connected them with social and medical services, from getting an HIV test to receiving treatment.

[Cristina Herrera]: At that time, a lot of people in the community didn’t want to be seen or associated with, say, a clinic that had to do with support services for people living with HIV. So sometimes Lorena would go to other places — out to Long Island, or up to Westchester — so that people could receive those services without worrying that someone would see them and automatically label them as a person already living with the HIV virus.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And that help from Lorena kept multiplying.

[Cristina Herrera]: Because there were hundreds of people she helped. Hundreds of appointments she went to. There were people who maybe needed just one appointment and were fine. But there were clients who needed to be accompanied five or ten times. And Lorena was there to help them.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But among all of that support, something was still missing.

[Lorena Borjas]: The girls would get out but they didn’t have a safe place, somewhere they could go to talk about their problems, somewhere to spend a nice afternoon.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Around 2008, Lorena secured a space in Queens to bring trans girls together and give talks about their rights. She then joined the board of Translatina Network, an organization co-founded by Cristina in 2009. Their goal was to have an institution made by the community, for the community.

[Cristina Herrera]: We didn’t start out receiving money from the government or from foundations. For MetroCards, for food for the group meetings, we had to go hold raffles at the clubs, at the discos in Queens.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The clubs where many women in the community gathered.

And in 2012, Lorena partnered with Chase Strangio, a highly respected trans lawyer in the United States, to found the Lorena Borjas Community Fund. Its goal was to raise money to pay the bail of incarcerated trans women.

Here is Lorena speaking about one case that affected her deeply: two trans girls facing 12 years in prison.

[Lorena Borjas]: What happened was that these girls were framed — they were accused of attempted murder with robbery, when these girls weren’t doing anything other than walking down the street. And I knew them personally. And when I got the news — that they were locked up and being charged, that there was no other way they could get out from under that accusation — I said, «no, I’m going to find whatever resources it takes.» I knocked on agencies’ doors. One agency said no, another said no, another said maybe, another said we’ll let you know. Until one agency finally said yes: «Lorena, I’m going to take this case and we’ll go wherever we have to go.» I was in court with them for 19 months straight. They were locked up inside, but I was, you could say, locked up outside — searching for resources, figuring out how we could get them free.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: If someone needed medicine in the early morning, Lorena answered. If someone had to be accompanied to a police station or a hearing, she was there. Sometimes she ate nothing more than a slice of pizza or a sandwich the whole day. Tiredness was always with her. 

By the 2010s, the landscape for the trans community in New York was, if not optimistic, at least promising. There was more visibility compared to previous decades. Laws protecting trans people were being passed, and the city seemed to be becoming a refuge for them.

By that point, Lorena had woven an enormous network of contacts. The local government had recognized her work. And in 2015 she was even able to found her own organization: the Intercultural Transgrediendo Collective. It was a small basement office on Roosevelt Avenue, just a few meters from where she had once worked as a sex worker.

[Lynly Egyes]: It’s hard to always remember all of her amazing work because there was just so much of it.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: She is Lynly Egyes, a lawyer specializing in sex work and human trafficking cases. She worked with Lorena for years defending incarcerated trans people. Lynly will never forget one of those cases: a defendant, a minor, who needed someone to represent him, and Lorena told him, «Lynly is going to help you.»

[Lynly Egyes]: «Lynly’s gonna help you. Lynly’s gonna be your attorney.» And I kind of looked at her and I’m like, «you can’t keep telling everyone I’m gonna be their attorney. But yes, I will.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Lynly agreed, of course. But the boy didn’t trust her. Why would he? No one had ever believed his story.

[Lynly Egyes]: I was speechless and I wasn’t sure what to say, and Lorena just kind of took her hand and put it on his shoulder and said, «Lynly will believe you. Lynly knows you’re not lying.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Lorena placed her hand on the boy’s shoulder and told him, «Lynly believes you, she knows you’re not lying.» And the boy agreed. That was Lorena’s power: she planted trust where there was none.

[Lynly Egyes]: But it always felt like this horrible feeling that I was able to help these other women through Lorena’s help, but I couldn’t help Lorena.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But despite all the achievements they had accomplished together, Lynly was frustrated that she couldn’t help Lorena with her own immigration case. Let’s remember: Lorena was undocumented.

[Liaam Winslet]: And I could see how stressed she got.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Liaam again.

[Liaam Winslet]: Because she would say, «Liaam, I’ve helped so many people. How can I not be able to become a citizen? How can I not have a status?»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And that meant she could be deported at any moment. The risk increased when Donald Trump took the presidency in 2017 and began toughening his immigration policies and his stance toward the trans community.

We’ll talk more about this in another episode. But it was in that increasingly tense environment that Lynly dared to carve a path through the legal labyrinth Lorena was caught in. They needed an urgent and bold solution.

[Lynly Egyes]: So we decided to do a governor’s pardon, which I was nervous about, Lorena was nervous about.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Instead of fighting her case in court, they were going to ask for a pardon from the then-governor of New York: Andrew Cuomo, a Democrat. At first Lorena wasn’t very convinced.

[Liaam Winslet]: She was worried. She was very, very scared, because she would say, «what if he doesn’t grant it? How is a governor going to look at a trans person, a trans woman, and give her that chance of a pardon?»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But if she obtained it, Lorena could renew her residency and apply for naturalization, and perhaps return to Mexico for a visit. That was something she had promised the Virgin of Guadalupe when she arrived in the United States in the ’80s.

So for months Lynly helped Lorena build her case. In a binder hundreds of pages thick, they compiled testimonies of all the community work Lorena had done over decades: letters from politicians, from activists, from the many people she had helped. That binder lives today at the Colectivo Transgrediendo, which Lorena founded and which Liaam now leads.

[Liaam Winslet]: Here it tells her whole story. It talks about her criminal cases, her name change, the letters that many of our companions wrote for her…

[Andrea]: «Dear Governor Cuomo, the reason for this letter is to request…»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: We asked Andrea, who is part of the Colectivo Transgrediendo, to read us excerpts from those letters.

[Andrea]: «I am writing this letter asking you to pardon the convictions of Lorena Borjas. I met her two years ago at a disco where she was handing out condoms.»

«Governor Cuomo, Lorena Borjas is a key figure in our trans community. Thanks to her efforts, trans girls now count and are part of New York society.»

«Ever since I told Lorena Borjas about my problem with changing my name, she always made sure to follow up, and I am grateful she guided me through my entire transition.»

«I didn’t know where to turn if I got arrested. I had no knowledge of my rights as a trans girl.»

«Please, we need Lorena Borjas with us, because if she is not here, we will once again be vulnerable in this city.»

«And that is why I am respectfully asking that she be given another chance. Without her help we could not move forward.»

«Thank you for hearing my humble testimony, and I trust that you will give Mrs. Borjas that opportunity. She deserves it.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Lynly and Lorena sent the binder to the governor and waited. Months of uncertainty followed. Until December 2017…

[Liaam Winslet]: When they called her, she said, «Liaam, this number is calling me but I don’t know who it is and I’m not going to answer.» Until her lawyer called her and said, «no, the governor’s office is trying to reach you.» So they called back again. And we were both in the office together, and Lorena picks up the phone and answers, and they tell her, «what’s happening is we’re calling because the governor has been thinking about granting you the pardon.» And Lorena couldn’t believe it — she was like, «no, what you’re telling me is a joke, it’s not real, it’s a scam.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But it was real. Lorena wept.

[Lynly Egyes]: As amazing as it was, like, she should never have had to go through any of this. Like, her convictions should have been vacated.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: According to Lynly, Lorena should never have had to ask for a pardon. Her convictions should have been overturned long ago.

Either way, with the pardon Lorena was able to obtain citizenship and return to Mexico for the first time in forty years.

And Liaam accompanied her to the Basilica of the Virgin of Guadalupe.

[Liaam Winslet]: That was a whole day, a full day. Listen, Lorena took me to see everything. I had been to the basilica, but just the basilica itself. Lorena took me to the gardens around the back. «Look,» she said to me, «this church — when I used to come here, these floors weren’t here.» And she told me, «Liaam, this didn’t exist. Now it’s nice.» It was so emotional. I remember we even had a… what’s that soup called? A pozole. Right after leaving the basilica. Something else, I tell you. She was so pleased. She said to me, «we shouldn’t eat so late, Liaam, because I’ll get a stomach ache..» But she ate it all the same.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: That was Lorena. She had an huge appetite. At nearly sixty years old, it was as if she was only just beginning to prove who she really was.

We’ll be right back.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: We’re back.

Let’s jump to 2012. That year, at the end of May, Liaam met Lorena.

It was in Philadelphia, at a conference on healthcare access in the trans community. Liaam had traveled from Ecuador, where she still lived at the time.

[Liaam Winslet]: I said, «I have to take advantage of this — this is the moment.» So I was already coming with the idea of staying, but I didn’t know how, didn’t know how to go about that process.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: In Philadelphia, Liaam gave a talk about young LGBTQ communities in Latin America and about violence against trans women in Ecuador.

When her talk ended, Lorena came up to her.

[Liaam Winslet]: She said, «oh, wow, I didn’t know about this. I didn’t know this was happening.» She was very surprised.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: They got along right away. Lorena invited her to visit New York for a few days.

[Liaam Winslet]: I was kind of hesitant, because I thought, «I’ve never been there, I’m scared. I don’t know.» I had researched some things about New York. And just imagine: alone, not knowing where to go or what to do. But she suddenly said to me, «no, look, you know what? Come on, stay at my place. You can stay for a week. You can see if you like it. If you don’t, then you can decide to stay in Philadelphia instead.»

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Liaam stayed in New York. Lorena helped her in all the ways we’ve already heard: she connected her with medical services to continue her transition, and with legal services to get her papers. She taught Liaam everything she did. And very soon she made her her right hand and one of her closest confidantes.

Liaam remembers that one day Lorena lost her cell phone in a taxi. And to modernize herself she bought an iPhone.

[Liaam Winslet]: So I said to her, «look, we need to set this up, because if you don’t set this up and you lose your phone, there’s an option to wipe all the information or locate the phone.» So she said, «oh, set that up for me because that’s exactly what I need on my phone.» And so I did — I sent her the passcode. I had her passcode, and we really trusted each other. 

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: I’m telling you this because it was with that «find my phone» feature that, in March 2020, in the terror of the pandemic, hours after losing Lorena in the chaos gripping New York’s hospitals…

[Liaam Winslet]: Searching and searching, I found her phone at this hospital in Brooklyn. That’s where they had transferred her.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Lorena was at Coney Island Hospital, in southern Brooklyn, nearly an hour’s drive from Queens. Her friends were able to speak with the doctor in charge of her care. He told them she was intubated, on a ventilator. And that if she stopped breathing, they would not be able to resuscitate her.

Shortly after they found her, Lorena died. And the news reverberated everywhere.

[Archival audio, news report]: Originally from Veracruz, Mexico. By profession, a public accountant — and undocumented.

[Archival audio, news report]: Lorena Borjas, 59 years old, a trans activist from Jackson Heights, Queens. She was a heroine to the entire community.

[Archival audio, news report]: The coronavirus took her life, as it has taken thousands of Latinos who have fought their battles in this country.

[Archival audio, news report]: She was a critical part of our community and it’s such… So heartbreaking to lose her.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: It was March 30th, one day before the International Day of Trans Visibility.

[Liaam Winslet]: She died on a date where she didn’t want to be forgotten, right? Like, she was saying, «no, pájaras, you’ll never forget me — you’re not going to forget about this old pájara.» So, every single year, the whole community knows that Lorena died one day before Trans Visibility Day.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And today, six years after Lorena’s death, so many people still feel her absence.

[Cristina Herrera]: She left a void, an absence. But she left behind a better community. She left a community much better equipped, far more prepared to deal with whatever problems came their way, you know? So we focus on that, because we weren’t going to stay there paralyzed and, you know, sad all the time. We decided to keep fighting because we have no other choice. Our community has always fought. We’ve always pushed forward.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And that fight, that push, that’s what this series is about. Over the next nine episodes, we’ll meet the queens who have continued, one way or another, in the streets, in the bars, and in the beauty pageants — a desire that Lorena always held.

[Lorena Borjas]: Well, I’m going to get wherever I need to get to like a beast — fight with claws and nails, claws and nails. I don’t care, you know? Without disrespecting anyone, without saying anything. I always say that. They’ll say: «Lorena Borjas left something we’re going to continue: the battle, the fight.» Not because I’m no longer in the world, but I would like this to continue — I’d like them not to stop. 

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The queens of Queens will stop at nothing. 

Las Reinas de Queens is a podcast from Central, the series channel of Radio Ambulante Studios, and is part of the My Cultura podcast network on iHeartRadio.

This series was produced by Diego Senior and Pablo Argüelles, with additional production and reporting by Nikol Pizarro, Joana Toro, and Andrés Sanin.

Thanks to Guillermo F. Flórez for the archival material on Lorena Borjas.

The editors were Daniel Alarcón, Silvia Viñas, and me.

Fact-checking by Bruno Scelza and Nikol Pizarro.

María Linares did the sound design and mixing, as well as the original music.

The series’ graphic design and art direction are by Diego Corzo.

Product development for Las Reinas de Queens was led by Natalia Ramírez. Digital production was carried out by Ana María Betancourt and Óscar Luna.

Business development and strategic partnerships were led by Camilo Jiménez Santofimio. Julián Santos and Eric Spiegelman provided legal support.

Las Reinas de Queens is an original idea by Diego Senior, Joana Toro, and Andrés Sanin.

The executive producers are Diego Senior; and from Radio Ambulante Studios, our CEO, Carolina Guerrero.

At iHeart, the executive producers are Arlene Santana and Leo Gomez.

Part of the funding for this project was provided by the Greater Good Science Center at the University of California, Berkeley, as part of their «Spreading Love Through Media» initiative, with support from the John Templeton Foundation.

You can follow us on social media at centralseriesRA and subscribe to our newsletter at centralpodcast.audio.

I’m Rula Ávila Muñoz. Thank you for listening.

***

Este podcast es propiedad de Radio Ambulante Studios. Cualquier copia, distribución o adaptación está expresamente prohibida sin previa autorización.

This podcast is the property of Radio Ambulante Studios. Any copy, distribution, or adaptation is expressly prohibited without prior authorization.

[Trailer] Las Reinas de Queens

Las Reinas de Queens

The following English translation was generated with the assistance of artificial intelligence and has been reviewed and edited by our team for accuracy and clarity.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: In New York City, in Queens, there’s a big street, Roosevelt Avenue. And there, when night falls, the queens come out. Women who have learned to survive three times: as trans women, as Latina immigrants, and as sex workers. For years, one woman accompanied and protected them.

[Lorena Borjas]: I’m going to get where I have to go like a dog, fight tooth and nail.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Lorena Borjas. The queen of the queens of Queens. But when she died…

[Cecilia Gentili]: No one will be able to fill Lorena Borjas’s shoes.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: The other queens were left without their greatest defender.

[Woman at vigil]: We all think they’re going to attack us for being trans. I’m afraid to walk around in a city that’s supposed to be safe.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: How do you make a space for yourself in a city that was supposed to be a refuge for you? In a country whose politics are becoming increasingly hostile to you?

[Audio de archivo, Donald Trump]: You can never become a woman, you’re not gonna be a woman.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Because today their kingdoms are in danger.

[Laura Martínez]: That’s why we don’t want Trump to stay, because he hates the community. He’s going to persecute us again.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: How do they fight? In the streets, as sex workers, they close ranks, confronting the police.

[Cristina Herrera]: Trans women were easier targets for the police to meet their quota.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: Confronting the neighbors.

[Audio of “prostitute march”]: What are we? Prostitutes! What do we want? Justice!

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And defending themselves against their own clients…

[Jacqui]: They shot her too, my friend…

[Man]: I’m going to the hospital.

[Jacqui]: They shot her too!

Of course we fall in love, but they don’t take us seriously either. Of course we want to start a family, but where is the one who wants to start one with us?

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: But queens shine too. It’s not a metaphor. It’s not an exaggeration. Their palaces are many bars on Roosevelt Avenue.

[Laura Martínez]: And that’s when I started asking: where was there a drag show?

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: They’re queens because they’ve been crowned.

[Lorena St. Cartier]: I’m the transgender woman with the most crowns in New York City.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: And because they walk the stage like divas.

[Keyly Rosemberg]: When you’re on stage, live the song. Don’t look down at that person: excite them.

[Rula Ávila Muñoz]: I’m Rula Ávila Muñoz, and I invite you to a fierce and dazzling world, with music blasting, where thrice-marginalized women wage a fourth battle: not only to survive after the death of their protective mother, but to thrive in a world of threats, armed with heels, sequins, and if necessary, a good shot of tequila.

This is “Las Reinas de Queens”, a new series from Central, the series channel of Radio Ambulante Studios.

Listen to “Las Reinas de Queens” on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you listen to your podcasts.

Follow us on social media at Central Series and subscribe to our newsletter at centralpodcast.audio.

New episodes every Thursday, starting April 9.

This podcast is the property of Radio Ambulante Studios. Any copy, distribution, or adaptation is expressly prohibited without prior authorization.

Este podcast es propiedad de Radio Ambulante Studios. Cualquier copia, distribución o adaptación está expresamente prohibida sin previa autorización.

Episode 10 | The Puzzle

El rompecabezas

[David Trujillo]: Previously on La Ruta del Sol…

[Carolina Pizano]: And there I started screaming: How can people believe in God? I mean, I couldn’t believe that my dad had died three days ago and my brother was dying now. 

[Néstor Humberto Martínez]: Hehehe yes, yes yes.

[Jorge Enrique Pizano]: Idiots

[Néstor Humberto]: Yes, yes, yes, son of a bitch.

[Néstor Humberto]: This is a bribe, man. 

[María Jimena Duzán]: And so I said: no, this is definitely the smoking gun, this is the smoking gun showing that those contracts are irregular, they did exist, despite the fact that all the authorities at Grupo Aval told Jorge Enrique himself that that wasn’t true, that it wasn’t real, that that was an invention of his. 

[Jorge Enrique]: I became a nuisance for many people, among them those that today are…they were convicted over irregular contracts in Ruta del Sol. 

[Juanita Pizano]: He told us that he was very sorry, that he knew he could have done more for my dad and he cried and all. 

But right after saying that, he told us: but I need you to release a statement because people are going crazy. So I need you to release a statement to say that you support the Attorney General’s Office investigation.

[Carolina]: And in the middle of all that he was saying things like if there’s an investigation, it’s going to come out  that Jorge Enrique was guilty of Alejandro’s death. So, of course, if they tell you that, you, in deep pain,  say no, well no, better not, because we don’t want them to say now that Jorge Enrique was guilty.

[Carlos Valdés]: I told my deputy director: find out from the laboratory what that stain was. And then she gives me an answer about an hour later: the result is that that stain is saliva. I said: oh, I made a mistake. 

[Jorge Robledo]: What changed in this story? What’s new? We all know: Jorge Enrique Pizano is what’s new in this story.

[Angélica Lozano]: Mr. Attorney General: resign. If you do the crime, you do the time. And you must pay.

[Néstor Humberto]: Mr. Luis Fernando Andrade, director of the ANI during the contracting of Ruta del Sol, has insisted on the theory that I am persecuting him.

[Luis Fernando Andrade]: It was clear that the man who controlled the Attorney General’s Office in the country and who looked after the interests of powerful men, was accusing me of being a great conspirator against justice.

[Juanita]: But my dad’s complaint was definitely, at least the basis for the Americans to find much more. I mean, what my dad found was like the tip of the iceberg. 

[Protests]: Take to the streets to bring down the corrupt Attorney General.

[Nestor Humberto Martínez]: I’ve already told you that Jorge Enrique and I built a very beautiful friendship. 

Unfortunately, today that friendship is even disavowed, despite the fact that I helped him so many times in his professional life.

The case of the profoundly painful death of Alejandro Pizano Ponce de León is hereby closed.

[David]: In late March 2024, a little more than five years after the deaths of Jorge Enrique and Alejandro, I met Juanita Pizano in Bogotá. It was the first time we met in person, though we had already done a virtual interview a few months earlier.

She had been living in the United States for over a year, working at a law firm. The plan was to spend a few months with her family and then return to the U.S. to sort some things out.

We met at her mother’s house to talk about the family tragedy that remains so confusing, about what had happened in the past few years, and about her return.

I wanted to ask you precisely that, how does it feel to be back?

[Juanita]: I feel very weird. Very anxious. Very strange. Coming back here did cause me a lot of anxiety, and there’s this fear of running into people I knew from that time, because it’s like suddenly going back in time. Sometimes I run into someone I haven’t seen in years and I feel like I’ve gone back in time and everything is going wrong again. But I think that, over time, that starts to heal. Days go by and I start feeling more in 2024 instead of in those dramatic days.

[David]: We also discussed the country house, the place where the deaths occurred. She told me it was still very important to the family and that they didn’t want to stop going there.

[Juanita]: We’ve gone there many times since everything happened, and it’s also been a therapeutic process—not to replace, but to add new memories to that place, to change the energy a little.

[David]: But the grief continues…

[Juanita]: Grief plays these tricks on you. For some reason, I feel like my dad is going to be there waiting for me, but he isn’t. It’s like I walk into that house and look for him in every room, and he’s not there.

[David]: Her sister Carolina had been living in that house for a year. I had also spoken with her a little over a month earlier, and Juanita had already gone to visit her.

[Juanita]: When I got there, I realized that everything had changed a lot while I was gone. Not destroyed, but very different. The whole house had been rearranged.

[David]: That wasn’t the only thing that had changed over those years. Several things had also happened with the case. Let’s remember that in 2019, the Attorney General at the time, Néstor Humberto Martínez, publicly announced that the investigation into Alejandro’s death was being closed. The argument was that Jorge Enrique’s death had been of natural causes, and his son’s death a tragic accident caused by his father—who was no longer alive to be investigated.

But the story didn’t end there. When a case has reached a certain stage, a judge must accept the Attorney General’s Office’s arguments in a hearing in order to close it. And whatever that decision is, it can be appealed. So from the moment Néstor Humberto Martínez made that announcement, an endless legal tug-of-war began between the Attorney General’s Office insisting on closing the case, and the justice system demanding further investigation. Although the family initially authorized the case to be filed, some time later, working with their lawyer and in order to convince the judge that there were sufficient reasons to continue investigating, they spent more than a year meticulously reviewing what the Attorney General’s Office had done at the time of the deaths. In that process, they found gaps that, to them, were obvious.

The question was whether that review would be enough to convince the judge not to close the case.

From Central Series and Radio Ambulante Studios, this is La Ruta del Sol.

I’m David Trujillo.

Today, our final episode. Episode 10: The Puzzle.

[David]: Juanita was never convinced that her father’s death had been of natural causes. From the moment her mother called to tell her what had happened, she thought it was strange.

[Juanita]: My dad’s death didn’t sound normal to me. Literally from the second he died.

[David]: And that feeling didn’t fade with time. In fact, it was reinforced by comments she saw online. In those days, as the media and social media  talked about Jorge Enrique’s work and his death, she came across something that didn’t surprise her.

[Juanita]: Someone posted a comment like… haha, they killed him. And I was like, yeah, that really resonates. Like, I’m not the only one who finds this strange.

[David]: At the time, she didn’t get a chance to talk about it with anyone else—not even with Alejandro, who knew more about what was going on with their father. But there wasn’t time for anything, because just three days later, her brother had also died. Nothing was clear anymore.

And as we know, everything started to become confusing very quickly. The same night Alejandro died, after a first, very quick inspection of the house by an official from the Attorney General’s Office’s Investigation Unit, the family did not stay there. They returned to Bogotá. But suddenly, they received a call from the person who worked at the house, telling them that several black vehicles were asking to be let in.

[Juanita]: It was a bunch of SUVs from the Attorney General’s Office trying to get in at 11 p.m. on November 11. And we told them no. I mean, what were they going to do? They said they were going to do a search, some kind of photographic documentation. And they insisted—apparently for hours.

[David]: They didn’t understand why the Attorney General’s Office was so insistent on entering the house—especially without them being there. Or why there were so many vehicles.

[Juanita]: And we told the person working there, please don’t open the door, don’t open the door for those people because we don’t know who they are. I think we called Néstor Humberto himself—I don’t remember exactly—but we called someone high up to say, hey, get these people off the property. We don’t know who they are. This is not the moment to do any kind of photographic documentation. Just leave us alone for a second. Alejandro just died.

[David]: That’s why they agreed that the Attorney General’s Office’s Investigation Unit would inspect the house almost a week later, when they would be present. During that inspection, in a recess when the family was outside the house, investigators found the cyanide container in one of the bathrooms. They also found a towel with brown stains that turned out not to be blood, and they seized hard drives, security cameras, and cell phones.

[David]: A few days later, the results of the forensic analyses began to come in. And amid all the doubts surrounding the investigation, there was something that Juanita found even stranger: the bottle. One reason was that on the day her father died, she had gone to the house to pick up some documents. She had even looked for them in his desk.

[Juanita]: That’s where I always say, and repeat, that there was no bottle on my dad’s desk. Because my boyfriend at the time and I lifted it—it’s one of those school-desk-style tables where you can lift a cover and have a little compartment inside. But the bottle wasn’t there. And then, a few days later, my ex told me, “Hey, I don’t want to scare you, but I didn’t see the bottle when I was there with you, picking up the papers.” And I was like, yeah, you’re right. I had thought the same thing, but I didn’t want to create unnecessary drama at that moment. But yes.

[David]: Juanita also found it very strange how quickly the Attorney General’s Office put together the hypothesis we already know: a failed suicide attempt, Jorge Enrique’s death of natural causes, Alejandro’s accident. None of it convinced her, and she couldn’t understand why other lines of investigation were never considered.

[Juanita]: They ruled out the criminal element with arguments that were so, so absurd—absurd in how basic they were. For example, that my dad’s death was of natural causes because he had cancer, when everyone knew, and we had all said over and over again, even to exhaustion, that my dad did not have cancer when he died. Or the idea that no one decides to kill themselves and then immediately go take a shower. Or that he had, I don’t know, a couple of appointments scheduled for the rest of that week and that weekend. Also, the fact that they didn’t really look carefully at the symptoms that Alejandro and my dad each had at the time of death, and didn’t properly compare them—that was also terrible.

[David]: Juanita felt that everything that was happening was much bigger and more confusing than she had thought. A truth that was almost impossible to grasp. Because of all this, and because of the overwhelm caused by the avalanche of media coverage, she chose not to talk about it with her family at that moment. Maybe it was better to leave things as they were, not to dig any deeper.

[David]: Her sister Carolina was feeling something similar. I also met with her, also at their mother’s house, almost a month before speaking with Juanita. At that time, she told me that although she had doubts about the deaths very early, she didn’t dare bring them up either.

[Carolina]: I think there are two things here. One, fear. If you know this happened because of the complaints, because of speaking out, you say something like, hey, no. Let’s leave it at that. And also because there was so much pain. 

[David]: In 2022, when there was a new hearing to decide whether the investigation into Alejandro’s death would be closed, the sisters and their mother were summoned as victims. When it began, the judge asked them about their lawyer. But they didn’t have one. They didn’t have the money to pay for one.

Carolina remembers that the prosecutor who was there began to pressure the judge to continue without a lawyer.

[Carolina]: He more or less said something like: can we go on?  We need to close this, this has to be done quickly. And the judge was like, no, there has to be a victims’ representative. So that’s when we left, started reaching out, and ended up with Miguel Ángel del Río.

[David]: Miguel Ángel del Río is a very well-known criminal lawyer in the country. He has handled very high-profile cases. Like for most people in Colombia, the Pizano family’s story had had a strong impact on him.

[Miguel Ángel del Río]: Even from the very beginning, from the very beginning, I suspected that something strange was going on, but as a distant observer.

[David]: And as a distant observer, as he says, his suspicions continued as the few details of the case became known. It seemed very strange to him that even though not all doubts had been resolved, it was closed in just two months.

[Miguel Ángel]: I have always wondered what was the rush the  Attorney General’s Office had to close a process. Here, investigations stay open for 20 years and nothing happens. Why not keep investigating? Why… why do they want to rush it?

[David]: When he found out that the Attorney General’s Office once again wanted to close the investigation and that the family needed a lawyer, a journalist friend put him in contact with Carolina.

[Miguel Ángel]: And I told her that I would like to take on that representation of victims, because in reality we are not—we are not defendants, but representatives of victims.

[Carolina]: So, obviously, I told him that we didn’t have the means. I mean, we were in debt here, because when my dad died he also left a lot of debt, a lot. So he said no, that he would do it pro bono. So it was like, no—wonderful, perfect. Then I met with Miguel Ángel and he tells me, I tell him—we kind of established contact like that and started working with him.

[David]: That was at the beginning of 2023. And working with him meant digging deeper, looking for arguments so that the judge would not archive the investigation. It was going to be very painful, but Carolina, Juanita, and their mother agreed. They felt it was time to reopen what had been closed.

[Carolina]: Once we were able to handle the grief, to be a bit calmer, to some extent, you start to realize that for our grieving process it’s also necessary to have the intention of clarifying things. It’s very easy to say: I’m just going to think about the nice things that happened and that’s it. About the good things. Yes, about the family we had, about the love, about the relationship. Yes. But that’s not seeing the elephant in the room. It’s looking for the reason for the death. It’s opening Pandora’s box.

[David]: Despite that, there were people around them who advised them not to insist. They told them that what had happened could not be changed, that they should leave hatred and anger aside.

[Juanita]: I don’t like that comment from that third party about why we’re so angry, that historical comment of telling a woman to calm down. No, I’m not angry, not hysterical. I just want to know what happened. The three of us—my mom, my sister, and I—we would like the Attorney General’s Office to carry out all of its functions properly, in the best legal way, because it didn’t do that at the time.

[Carolina]: Yes, that’s exactly it. They haven’t done their job. They didn’t do the work of investigating. Journalists have done more than they have. We’re not doing this because we’re full of hatred or resentment, or because we think our pain is going to go away by finding the truth. It has nothing to do with any of that. It has to do with a moral and just intention, and it’s purely personal.

[David]: Wanting to know what happened

A pause, and we’ll be back.

We’re back on La Ruta del Sol.

From the moment the Pizano sisters and their mother got in touch with the lawyer Miguel Ángel del Río, he set out to understand Jorge Enrique’s personality and his intentions in the months before his death. The family gave him boxes and boxes filled with all kinds of documents, which allowed Miguel Ángel to get closer to how methodical and organized Jorge Enrique was.

[Miguel Ángel]: And I ended up feeling very connected, because I work that way. So I felt, okay, this is a distressed man, this is a man being judicially persecuted, who has had all the doors closed on him, who is gradually being left without support from anyone, only with his family. But I also saw a man who wanted to prove his truth. To me, Jorge Enrique Pizano is a hero, someone who, by his own conviction, believed that people needed to know the truth about a dark chapter of recent judicial history. And I said: we have to find the truth here.

[David]: He reviewed the investigation carried out by the Attorney General’s Office—which lasted only two months, from November 2018 to January 2019—and also the arguments used to close it.

[Miguel Ángel]: There was interest in the investigation, yes, but with a purpose aimed at closing the investigation at any cost, at considering that Jorge Enrique Pizano had died of a heart attack. The normal course of a judicial process is supposed to be to investigate everything: the good, the bad, the small, the big—especially an investigation of this level. And from that moment on, I realized that nothing had been done.

[David]: For him, it was absurd that in one of the most important investigations the Attorney General’s Office was handling at the time, with almost the entire country watching, they had ignored such basic things.

On the one hand, it was not clear to Miguel Ángel why the Attorney General’s Office  had clung to a single hypothesis for Jorge Enrique’s death: that of a failed suicide attempt due to financial problems. As he explains, the Attorney General’s Office ’s arguments do not include key information, such as the fact that Jorge Enrique had appointments scheduled for just days after his death. There was one with the journalist María Jimena Duzán and another with a Bloomberg journalist, and Jorge Enrique himself had confirmed he’d be there. They also did not take into account where he had worked, the relationships he had with other employees, and even less the irregularities he had uncovered. The Attorney General’s Office  did not even take into account his fear for his safety, a fear that he had directly expressed to them himself.

[Miguel Ángel]: And the Attorney General’s Office didn’t do that. We did. In fact, we found documents written by him a month and a half before his death where he tells the Office of the Attorney General of the Nation: Gentlemen of the Attorney General’s Office, please protect my life, because I fear for my personal safety and that of my family. Why didn’t the Attorney General’s Office  investigate and interview, for example, Iván Serrano? Not so that he would give journalistic information, but to establish what the criteria were.

[David]: The criteria—that is, Jorge Enrique’s reasons for requesting protection. We already know that when he gave the interview to Iván and handed over the recordings, he told him that he was afraid. It is true that Jorge Enrique did not accept the protection program offered by the Attorney General’s Office  because, according to what he wrote in a document, it did not fit his conditions. But it is also true that he asked them to urgently transfer his case to the National Protection Unit, which is independent from the Attorney General’s Office and is exclusively in charge of managing protection for people in situations of risk.

In addition, Miguel Ángel learned something key in all of this:

[Miguel Ángel]: In fact, he had an interview with a protection official from the Attorney General’s Office, and that was never disclosed. What did he talk about with that official? What did the official tell him? We still don’t know to this day.

[David]: It’s also not very clear why, on the bottle—as we already mentioned—they only found Jorge Enrique’s DNA and not Alejandro’s.

[Miguel Ángel]: That’s what makes you say: but let’s see—if Alejandro was the one who drank from the bottle and died from ingesting cyanide, how is it that the only DNA found on the mouth of the bottle is from Jorge Enrique, his father, who supposedly died of a heart attack?

[David]: Another piece of evidence presented by the Attorney General’s Office  was that video of Jorge Enrique buying several similar bottles of water at a supermarket. But for Miguel Ángel and the family, the only thing the video proves is exactly that: him buying the water he liked. Nothing more. It’s not even known whether it was the same bottle that contained the poison.

[Miguel Ángel]: Because we were able to find out that those bottles have bar codes, and those bar codes correspond to the bottle throughout the entire country. What did that mean? That if I bought a bottle of water in Santander that year or bought it in Bogotá, it had the same serial number. Obviously, the bottle that appears has the same serial as all the bottles in the country in 2018, because that’s what the brand itself told us.

[David]: There is also no concrete evidence that he bought the cyanide. There are no videos, no receipts, no purchase records. Nothing. But according to the Institute of Forensic Medicine, there was DNA from Jorge Enrique on the cyanide container and on the bags that wrapped it. That is another of the bases of the Attorney General’s Office’s hypothesis that he put the poison in the bottle.

But that doesn’t convince Miguel Ángel either.

[Miguel Ángel]: Because, among other things, what brings down the suicide theory, for example, is that he was shaving when they find him.  No one with full awareness drinks cyanide and then starts shaving.

[David]: But, according to Miguel Ángel, that doesn’t mean that Jorge Enrique had not ingested the poison.

[Miguel Ángel]: The Attorney General’s Office didn’t even investigate that ingesting cyanide in his body can cause respiratory arrest. So even the Forensic  Medicine report on his death doesn’t make sense, doesn’t have support. I do believe he had cyanide in his body, but through accidental ingestion—accidental on his part, deliberate by third parties.

[David]: Miguel Ángel believes that that third party could have been someone who worked at the country house where Jorge Enrique was living.

[Miguel Ángel]: The Attorney General’s Office says that he had absolute trust in all those people who worked with him and that they could never have killed him. And we were able to prove that two of the people who worked there had just met with Enrique Pizarro a month earlier, and that Jorge Enrique himself had reservations about one of them.

[David]: Carolina remembers that her father complained about the couple who took care of the place—a man and a woman. He said they had stolen some things from the house and that he no longer felt comfortable with them. She also remembers that her father was planning to fire them very soon, and that the day he died he was working on their severance payments. Shortly after the deaths, they stopped working at the house.

[Miguel Ángel]: And notice that all those people disappeared. The Attorney General’s Office lost track of them. Today they are unfindable. It would be good to really bring them back in, to have them say the things that could have happened.

[David]: Miguel Ángel also maintains that the testimony given about Jorge Enrique by the housemaid who lived in that house is also unclear.

[Miguel Ángel]: At first, she stated that no, that she had never seen any suicidal intent or any desire to harm himself.

[David]: But later she said that she had seen him take a bottle of water and a spoon from the kitchen. When the then Attorney General announced the closing of the investigation, he added that, according to that testimony, Jorge Enrique had locked himself in with the bottle and the spoon in the same bathroom where the cyanide container was found.

On the other hand, according to the statement of the other housemaid who came on weekends, on November 8, after Jorge Enrique was taken to the hospital and while she was organizing his room, she did find the bottle on the desk. She noticed that two or three sips of the liquid had been drunk  and that it had the cap on, but it was not closed. She left it there. She also said that at that moment she found on the floor a note written by Jorge Enrique.

[Miguel Ángel]: A letter as if it were some kind of farewell will. And later it was discovered that the document that had been found was a document called Things to Do, like when you write in a planner what you’re going to do that day. It was found on Jorge Enrique’s desk and it said things like: we have to pay the employees, we have to withdraw some severance payments from such-and-such bank, we have to go talk to so-and-so. The natural plans of a human being. If a person is going to end their life, they don’t leave a technical letter, they leave a human letter. With a powerful emotional charge, too. And that didn’t happen.

[David]: The housemaid who found Jorge Enrique’s note and the bottle added that right afterward she spoke with the live-in housemaid, and that the latter told her the following—this is a direct quote: “She told me: I have a feeling that Don Jorge drank something, because he went down early to the kitchen, had a coffee, and took a bottle of water from the pantry and left drinking it, because he never drinks water that early.” End quote.

It is also possible, according to Miguel Ángel, that someone from outside entered the house and placed the bottle there. It was not unthinkable, as the Attorney General’s Office suggested.

[Miguel Ángel]: And we were also able to establish how easy it was for any citizen to enter. That is, there was no kind of rigor, no alarms, no—there was nothing at all.

[David]: What there were, were security cameras. According to Miguel Ángel, Jorge Enrique had installed them a month before his death.

[Miguel Ángel]: And then you ask yourself, fine—and what’s on the security cameras? We will never know, because the Attorney General’s Office took them and said, no, we weren’t able to legalize this information.

[David]: Remember that they kept the evidence longer than they should have and did not legalize it before a judge.

[Miguel Ángel]: That’s one of the most unbelievable things. They knew that if they arrived late, that evidence would be rejected, and they would be left with the theory of a heart attack and that Alejandro drank that cyanide by accident, which is the only reality. The only reality of the case is that Alejandro did drink from that bottle by accident.

[David]: A pause, and we’ll be back.

We’re back on La Ruta del Sol.

[Miguel Ángel]: Thank you, Your Honor. This representation of victims, which precisely represents the interests of María Carolina Pizano, of Juanita Pizano—

[David]: At the end of 2023, the lawyer Miguel Ángel del Río presented the family’s arguments before a judge so that the case of Alejandro Pizano would not be closed.

[Miguel Ángel]: They have been waiting five years for justice.

[David]: Miguel Ángel and his team had been gathering information since the beginning of that year and had clearly identified the gaps in the Attorney General’s Office’s investigation of this case.

[Miguel Ángel]: In such a way that, from this moment on, this representation of victims must oppose the request for preclusion. Because the real question here, Your Honor, is the existence or not of possible investigative lines that the Attorney General’s Office has not addressed.

[David]: Miguel Ángel’s intervention lasted around eight hours, with a break in the middle to rest and eat something. During that entire time, the lawyer presented the doubts we have already mentioned and added documents, statements from the Pizano family and other witnesses, analyses of expert reports, and everything necessary to make it clear that the Attorney General’s Office’s argument—that Jorge Enrique prepared everything for a suicide and that just minutes before had died a natural death—made no sense. For him, it was impossible to reach a conclusion about what happened with an investigation that had only lasted two months.

[David]: Toward the end of his intervention, Miguel Ángel made a list of what the Attorney General’s Office did not do.

[Miguel Ángel]: The Attorney General’s Office never identified security problems involving Jorge Enrique Pizano. It never interviewed the people who could have been reported by Jorge Enrique Pizano. It never interviewed the protection official who spoke with Jorge Enrique Pizano, and to this day, Your Honor, we do not know exactly what was said or discussed. The files within the Attorney General’s Office, the Superintendence of Industry and Commerce, and the Arbitration Tribunal—where Jorge Enrique Pizano gave statements in 2018 and in 2017—were never inspected. It was never established with certainty, Your Honor, what the diagnosis of death was, or it was overlooked that the heart attack could have consequences—not in the evaluative and speculative aspects made at the time by pathologist Morales, but rather, Your Honor, in the possibility that it was related, precisely, to the ingestion of cyanide. The backgrounds of the people who worked with Jorge Enrique Pizano were not established. It was established that he did not trust them. It is not known where they are today. Complaints were not filed. The Attorney General’s Office did not even request testimony from Prosecutor 80, Amparo Zerón, to establish what the investigative line was and what contribution Jorge Enrique Pizano had made to that investigation.

[David]: The Pizano sisters were listening to Miguel Ángel’s intervention. They knew what he was going to say, but it was still surprising. Up to that point, they had not had someone represent them in the way they truly wanted.

[Carolina]: And there I felt very happy with how well he presented it. It’s all there—he told everything, all the information is there. It’s like tying loose ends together. Or it’s like when you start cleaning a glass, right? At first it looks kind of cloudy, but each time it looks clearer.

[Juanita]: I had never seen anyone explain so clearly and concisely, and legally, everything that happened to us. And he did it in a truly masterful way. I mean, he was able to explain point by point all the causes of our insomnia. He’s been one of the few people who has taken the time and the energy to investigate who Jorge Enrique Pizano was.

[David]: At the end of his intervention, Miguel Ángel asked the judge to allow the victims to know what happened.

[Miguel Ángel]: In that sense, Your Honor, thanking you for your patience with each of the parties, this representative of victims concludes his intervention by making the request, I repeat, not to grant the preclusion requested by the Attorney General’s Office and that this investigation continue its necessary inquiry. Thank you very much.

[David]: But the judge’s decision was not immediate. They had to wait more than three months and another long hearing—almost five hours—to learn it. The day I met with Juanita, I also asked her about that.

How did the March 8 hearing go?

[Juanita]: Well, I wasn’t mentally prepared and I wasn’t expecting anything. I thought that, honestly, I was sure the judge was going to say that the investigation was over.

[David]: But that day, March 8, 2024, the judge announced something very important:

[Judge]: There is doubt regarding death by natural causes of Jorge Enrique Pizano Callejas, in addition to a series of inconsistencies in the collection and handling of evidence of vital importance in the present case.

[David]: He ordered the Attorney General’s Office, once again, that the case could not be closed. And he added that other possible causes of the Pizanos’ deaths should not be ruled out.

[Judge]: To conclude, it was sufficiently clear that the hypothesis chosen by the Attorney General’s Office is only one possibility within the wide range of probabilities that are equally valid for the investigation of the person responsible for the death of Alejandro, and that this entity did not dispel.

[Juanita]: The three of us were very surprised—in a good way. It was very gratifying to hear the judge literally give the Attorney General’s Office a lesson on how a case, an investigation, is precluded, and let’s say all the shortcomings the Attorney General’s Office had had, not only in its actions but also in its argumentation afterward in the hearings, which was quite serious.

[David]: The news came out that same day.

[Catalina Vargas]: A judge in Funza ruled that the investigation into the death of Jorge Enrique Pizano, former controller of Ruta del Sol and a key witness in the Odebrecht case, and his son Alejandro cannot be precluded. And he ordered the Attorney General’s Office to continue the investigation to establish whether the death of both was a homicide.

[David]: For Miguel Ángel, it was a small victory amid so much horror.

[Miguel Ángel]: They have suffered two tragedies … actually three, which are the death of the father, the death of the brother, and the justice system’s failure to respond. The Office of the Attorney General of the Nation has revictimized them and slapped them in the sense that the only thing they believed in was institutional legitimacy. They believed in the officials who participated in the investigations, they voluntarily handed over material evidence, and all of that was lost. So now we are going to set the investigation on the right path, as it should be done—that the Attorney General’s Office investigate the good, the bad, the ugly, everything.

[David]: Among what Miguel Ángel mentions that the Attorney General’s Office must investigate, there is a specific event that occurred in 2018, shortly after Alejandro’s death.
The daughters and their mother were at an uncle’s house in Bogotá when the then Attorney General, Néstor Humberto Martínez, paid them a visit that was arranged by his son. We had already talked about that visit in other episodes. It was when Jorge Enrique’s daughters tell that Martínez arrived very shaken. Not only by the loss, but also because, after the revelations of the audio published by Noticias Uno, he was being criticized in the media and on social media. Carolina was there.

[Carolina]: So then… my mom feels compassion for everyone. Yes, she has an overly, overly kind heart. And of course, if someone tells you that, well, you think about how to help them. So at that moment my mom offers him the iPad. Like, sure, here are some recordings that might be useful to you.

[David]: Jorge Enrique’s iPad, with which he had secretly recorded Martínez and other high-ranking officials from Grupo Aval. 

[Juanita]: It was like a sign that we trusted him and that we had nothing else against him. Yes, like, look, everything you could find against you is right here.

[Carolina]: My mom handed it directly to him. And he took it. Yes, he took it that same day. And they returned it in the afternoon.

[David]: His bodyguards returned it.

[David]: When they told Miguel Ángel about this, he was shocked.

[Miguel Ángel]: With Néstor Humberto Martínez being the custodian of evidence in Colombia as head of the Judicial Police of the Attorney General’s Office, how is it possible that he would take a piece of physical evidence without the natural rigor of a legal process?

[David]: That iPad should have been transported under a chain of custody, as required by law. But according to Miguel Ángel’s investigation, it was not even registered as evidence in the investigation into the deaths.

[Juanita]: The mere fact that he received the iPad outside of any legal procedure is absurd. And if a woman as kind, as… I don’t know, like my mom, offers it to you, you say no. I mean, if you are a decent person—which we already know he is not—but you tell her no, that you can’t, that within your legal powers it is not permitted to have that iPad.

[David]: Miguel Ángel adds that Martínez not only took the iPad and later returned it.

[Miguel Ángel]: We have been able to determine that this iPad was manipulated.

[David]: In order to be able to state this, Miguel Ángel and his team analyzed the iPad and the information it contained. According to him, they found most of the files —emails, photos, videos, recordings—but the information from the years 2016 to 2018 was missing.

[Miguel Ángel]: In other words, here we are also facing the commission of other crimes that must be investigated with rigor.

[David]: At the beginning of this year, 2025, the family and Miguel Ángel filed a complaint against Néstor Humberto Martínez before the Investigation and Accusation Committee of the House of Representatives, the body that investigates attorneys general, both current and former, for possible crimes committed during their time in office. The complaint against Martínez was for concealment, alteration, or destruction of physical evidence. It is a long, bureaucratic, and political process, but if the Committee finds sufficient grounds, it could bring charges against him. In that case, since he is no longer Attorney General, the Supreme Court of Justice would take over the case to try him. If found guilty, he could be sentenced to between four and twelve years in prison.

Martínez has not denied that he received the iPad, but he insists that he did not manipulate it. When we interviewed him in September 2025, we asked him about this issue. He told us that he had also filed a complaint against Miguel Ángel for allegedly fabricating evidence to accuse him, and that Miguel Ángel had already been summoned by the Attorney General’s Office to give sworn testimony. This is Martínez.

[Néstor Humberto]: In that criminal complaint they have asked the lawyer to hand over the iPad. For what? To carry out the forensic work and determine, as it should be determined, whether in fact someone tampered with the operating system of that iPad. Hearings before one judge. Hearings before another judge. A summons for delivery. The iPad never arrives. It does not appear. They do not want to hand it over.

[David]: Miguel Ángel assured me that this is false, that he has always been at the disposal of the Attorney General’s Office not only in relation to this complaint, but also with all the others that have been filed against him from many sectors and that, according to him, have a political background.

Martínez added something about the people who analyzed the iPad. He told us that his lawyer took statements from them and that one of them said that, during the extraction of the information, deleted elements appeared, but that he could not confirm that this had actually happened. Nor could he know who manipulated it or when.

But Miguel Ángel says that the people Martínez is referring to were not the ones who carried out the expert forensic report on the iPad, but rather that, based on that report, they issued conclusions about the findings, among them the deletion of certain information. The person who, according to Miguel Ángel, did examine the device was never questioned. And he maintains that the evidence shows that the only person who had access to the iPad was Martínez.

Even so, Martínez insisted to us that he did not manipulate the iPad, that he did not delete any information.

[Néstor Humberto]: No, I did not do something that vile. For God’s sake. But they cannot drag me to the cemetery of Colombia’s moral life by making this thing up about me. I refuse to believe that the family agrees with raising such a calumny against me based on reports from people who say they did not say that. That is why I have filed a criminal complaint against this man.

[David]: And we asked him how he felt about being reported by Jorge Enrique’s family.

[Néstor Humberto]: The family cannot forget how much I helped Jorge Enrique. I remember when my son would arrive distressed, telling me oh poor Jorge Enrique, that he was going through difficulties, and I helped him. For God’s sake! I helped him. He was always my great friend. And look what happens in the end: that there is an investigation. And that they come up with this story about the iPads. What barbarity! What barbarity! The lawyer… the family cannot condone that. I believe they cannot condone it because it cannot come from their hearts. That the family ends up being the driving force behind an accusation against me. That I erased Jorge Enrique Pizano’s iPad to hide evidence. Listen to this monstrosity!

[David]: So let’s recap everything up to this point: the family and their lawyer filed a complaint against Néstor Humberto Martínez over the iPad. Then Martínez filed a complaint against attorney del Río. According to Martínez, the evidence used to accuse him of having manipulated the iPad was false. That is where things stand on that front.

And as for the case of Alejandro’s death, the Attorney General’s Office appealed the decision not to close it. Now, what Miguel Ángel and the family are seeking is for the investigation into Jorge Enrique’s case to be reopened. They are convinced of how important it is to reexamine everything that can still be reviewed. But they are also realistic: the evidence collected by the Attorney General’s Office is no longer legally valid, and so many years have passed that they no longer even know where it is.

[Juanita]: Like the bottle. We don’t know what happened. The towel, the fingerprints in the house, the security camera recordings. We don’t know what happened to any of that. So I think the big question is: with what are they going to investigate? I have no idea.

[David]: They are even clear that it is very likely they will never fully put together the puzzle of everything that happened. But the more pieces they have, the better.

[Juanita]: There are so many unanswered whys. So I think that more than trying to answer them, it’s about accepting that those whys will always exist and learning how to live with them, and sometimes answering them a little bit, but understanding that I will never answer them completely.

[David]: But for Miguel Ángel there are still things that can be revisited. He has already said it: all the evidence of the irregularities that Jorge Enrique gathered over so many years. But they would also have to locate the workers from the country house, interview them again, and corroborate their testimonies. They also have to review all the times Jorge Enrique made it clear that he feared for his safety and that of his family, and this time truly take into account that, officially, he requested protection from the Attorney General’s Office… in short… to carry out an investigation—this time a truly exhaustive one—in the hope of being able to determine, with certainty, that Jorge Enrique’s death was of natural causes.

[Juanita]: The three of us—my mom, my sister, and I—are seeking the truth, justice, and reparation that are owed to us as victims within the framework of these two criminal proceedings. But that does not mean that I am here saying, like, you killed my family, like you, Luis Carlos Sarmiento, you, Néstor Humberto, killed my father and my brother. I am not saying that. What I am saying is that they behaved very inappropriately— professionally and personally.

[David]: And this last part has been very painful. Feeling that their father was so ignored, so manipulated, so threatened, just for doing his job properly… But Carolina understands that this was her father’s personality…

[Carolina]: My dad always tried to work for the good of the country, in  the public sector, of making the country better. And I think that’s what he did by denouncing corruption. Yes, by denouncing what was done wrong. What I think is… I don’t even think my dad imagined the impact that all of this has had at this point. I think he would be proud of himself.

[David]: And are you?

[Carolina]: Yes, of course. Of course. I just didn’t like the consequence.

[David]: The way the Lava Jato case investigation was handled, which uncovered the Odebrecht corruption scandal—the largest on the continent—has drawn a great deal of criticism in recent years. Some convictions and agreements were annulled or renegotiated. There were also allegations that the investigation process was carried out using illegal practices.

For cooperating with the justice system, Marcelo Odebrecht reduced his sentence from nineteen years to ten, and in 2017 he was granted house arrest. In 2024, Brazil’s Supreme Court annulled the rulings against him on the grounds that due process had been violated, and he regained his freedom.

Odebrecht changed its name and since 2020 has been called Novonor.

In Colombia, from Grupo Aval, only one person was convicted: in 2019, the president of Corficolombiana, José Elías Melo, for having arranged the bribe for the Ruta del Sol II contract. He was sentenced to nearly twelve years in prison, but in 2024, after having served three-fifths of his sentence, he regained his freedom. One year later, although he did not have to return to prison, the Supreme Court upheld that conviction and confirmed that Melo did indeed arrange the bribe.

Colombia’s Superintendence of Industry and Commerce opened an investigation in 2018 into several individuals and companies for Odebrecht-related corruption. Among those investigated was Luis Carlos Sarmiento Gutiérrez, the son of Sarmiento Angulo and president of Grupo Aval at the time. It was not for bribes, but for conflicts of interest. And although the Superintendence also asked the Attorney General’s Office to investigate him for possible crimes, neither of the two proceedings moved forward and both were ultimately shelved.

On the other hand, several things have happened in relation to the Ruta del Sol.

After the Ruta del Sol II scandal, in 2018 the government handed the unfinished project over to a public entity that, due to lack of funds, was unable to make much progress on its construction. Three years later, it was transferred to two private Colombian construction companies so they could complete it. In 2023 they announced that the road was already passable, but the full project is expected to be completed in 2028, almost twenty years after the contract was awarded.

Both presidential campaigns of 2014 were investigated for receiving money from Odebrecht. But in 2024 only one of the candidates, Óscar Iván Zuluaga, and his son, the campaign manager, were formally charged. What most incriminated the candidate from uribismo was a recording in which he discussed the matter with one of those implicated in the corruption network of the Brazilian multinational. The trial has not yet concluded.

Roberto Prieto, the manager of both presidential campaigns of Juan Manuel Santos, was sentenced in 2019 to five years in prison. But not for what happened in Ruta del Sol II, rather for campaign posters that Odebrecht paid for during Santos’s 2010 campaign, and for having received a bribe, personally, in the third stretch of the highway, known as Ruta del Sol III.

That third stretch also remains unfinished and with plans to be completed in 2028. Although Odebrecht and Grupo Aval were not involved, it has suffered delays, multimillion-dollar debts, bankruptcies, and corruption scandals.

As for the Deferred Prosecution Agreement between Corficolombiana, part of Grupo Aval, and the United States Department of Justice, on December 3, 2025, the Colombian government asked the U.S. Attorney’s Office to reveal the identity of the mysterious Colombian Official Number 3, described verbatim in the document as “a high-ranking official of the executive branch of the Colombian government approximately between 2010 and 2018.” One week later, the U.S. Attorney’s Office refused to provide the name.

Now, regarding the investigations by Colombia’s Attorney General’s Office: in 2023 the agency announced that it would formally charge another fifty-five people in the Odebrecht case. Among those individuals there was no one from Grupo Aval, but there were executives from the Brazilian multinational, who remain in their country without facing Colombian justice. In addition, charges were brought against officials from the National Infrastructure Agency, the ANI, including another charge against Luis Fernando Andrade, who was the director of that agency.

Andrade is awaiting a judicial decision in the case related to Ruta del Sol II, and says it could be known in early 2026. Even if he is declared innocent, the Attorney General’s Office continues to investigate him in other cases, such as corruption in Ruta del Sol III. Although he has been formally charged three times for that, all three times a judge has rejected the charges.

At this moment, a bill known as the Jorge Enrique Pizano Law is moving forward in Congress. Its goal is to protect those who report acts of corruption.

Credits:

[David]: La Ruta del Sol is a podcast by Central, the series channel of Radio Ambulante Studios, and is part of the My Cultura podcast network of iHeartRadio.

Reporting and production for this episode were done by me, David Trujillo. The lead editor is Camila Segura, with additional editing by Daniel Alarcón, Silvia Viñas, and Eliezer Budasoff. Eliezer is the project manager. Fact-checking was done by Bruno Scelza and Sergio Sebastián Retavisca. Camilo Vallejo conducted the legal review. Sound design and mixing were done by Martín Cruz, with original music by Andrés Nusser. The graphic design and art direction of the series were done by Diego Corzo.

Product development for La Ruta del Sol was led by Natalia Ramírez. Digital production was done by Nelson Rauda and Óscar Luna, with support from Lina Rincón and Samantha Proaño, from the Radio Ambulante Studios audience team.

La Ruta del Sol was recorded at Fiona Records.

At iHeart, the executive producers are Arlene Santana and Leo Gomez.

We would like to thank FLIP for its valuable support in the legal review of this production and for its advice on security matters.

Carolina Guerrero is the executive producer of Central and the CEO of Radio Ambulante Studios.

You can follow us on social media as Central Podcast and subscribe to our newsletter at centralpodcast.audio.

I’m David Trujillo. And this was La Ruta del Sol. Thank you for listening.

Episode 9 | The Attorney General

El fiscal

[David]: January 11, 2019. Two months had passed since the deaths of the Pizanos, and the scandal surrounding them had only kept growing. The outrage was so intense that, in the streets people were now demanding the head of the then Attorney General.

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[Protests]: The Attorney General is going to burn, the Attorney General is going to burn, the Attorney General is going to burn.

[Juan Camilo Merlano]: In different cities across the country, demonstrations were held against the Attorney General of the Nation, Néstor Humberto Martínez.

[Protests]: Attorney General, thug, paramilitary, and murderer.

[Protests]: Take to the streets to bring down the corrupt Attorney General.

[Protests]: Hehehe, dude, this is a bribe. Hehehe, dude, this is a bribe.

[Wilson Moreno]: The most symbolic moment of the sit-in at the bunker, in Bogotá, was when protesters burned the flag of the Attorney General’s Office. At least 2,000 people arrived at the main headquarters of the prosecuting authority demanding the resignation of Néstor Humberto Martínez.

[David]: A month earlier, the Supreme Court had finally chosen an ad hoc prosecutor—that is, a prosecutor appointed specifically for the Odebrecht case. But for some, that decision was not enough, because out of the dozens of lines of investigation in this case, this new prosecutor took on only three, the same ones from which the then Attorney General had recused himself due to conflicts of interest.

But  people were demanding that Martínez step aside entirely from the institution, not just from three lines of investigation. Two organizations, DeJusticia and the Colombian Commission of Jurists, even called for his election as Attorney General to be annulled because, according to them, the Supreme Court had chosen him without knowing about his possible conflicts of interest. But their lawsuit was ultimately rejected because it was filed too late, almost three years after the election.

Two weeks after the protests, Martínez held a press conference to announce something very important.

[Néstor Humberto Martínez]: Good morning. The Attorney General’s Office of the Nation wishes today to inform the country, for reasons of general interest, of the final results of the investigation that began in connection with the death of Dr. Alejandro Pizano Ponce de León.

[David]: The Pizano family already knew where this was headed; they had already accepted that the Attorney General’s Office would close the investigation into Alejandro’s death. But this was the first time the country was being informed about the process.

Martínez began by talking about the flavored water bottle and said that it had been established that Jorge Enrique always had it in his possession. The evidence was a video from a month before his death showing him purchasing similar bottles at a supermarket.

[Néstor Humberto]: The camera shows Dr. Pizano passing through the checkout line and confirms the type of beverage he bought.

[David]: As we already recounted in previous episodes, he also mentioned that Jorge Enrique’s DNA was found on the mouth of the bottle, and he revealed that the housemaid said that the day before the death…

[Néstor Humberto]: She saw him approach the kitchen and take a wooden spoon out from one of the drawers while carrying a bottle of water in his hand. According to the statement, Mr. Pizano Callejas took both objects to a bathroom on the second floor and locked himself in there for several minutes. In that same bathroom, days later, a container of potassium cyanide was found. In addition, the Attorney General’s Office obtained various testimonies from third parties and from his own psychiatrist, indicating that on several occasions Dr. Jorge Enrique Pizano stated, at different times and places, that one option in his life journey was the consumption of a toxin.

[David]: Martínez also spoke about the to-do list that was on Jorge Enrique’s desk and said that the same housemaid had seen it on the day of his death.

[Néstor Humberto]: And in the statement she gave to the Attorney General’s Office, she said that while doing her cleaning chores that morning, she saw the flavored water bottle on Dr. Jorge Enrique Pizano’s desk and approached to pick it up. She recounts in her testimony that the cap was slightly loose and that she herself tightened it.

[David]: Martínez asserted that no one entered the house again between November 9 and 11—Jorge Enrique, remember, died on the 8th—and that the bottle remained there until the family found it the day Alejandro died. He then said that, based on testimonies and documentary and technical evidence, the Attorney General’s Office had made a decision regarding the case.

[Néstor Humberto]: Mr. Pizano died in an accidental manner after drinking the beverage that was on his father’s desk. In this way, from a judicial standpoint, this investigation is concluded. The case of the profoundly painful death of Alejandro Pizano Ponce de León is hereby closed.

[David]: And since the report for Jorge Enrique’s autopsy, conducted by a private expert at the hospital, concluded that his death was of natural causes, there was nothing else to investigate.

[Néstor Humberto]: In making public this documentation and the decision taken by the Attorney General’s Office, the Attorney General’s Office asks the national public opinion—and of course the international community—for special respect for the memory of Jorge Enrique and Alejandro Pizano. And in the most respectful manner, we ask everyone not to revictimize their family. Peace upon the graves of Jorge Enrique Pizano and Alejandro Pizano. Thank you very much.

[David]: Although the Pizano case was closed, Martínez continued to be  caught up in media storms. And not only because of this case, but also due to others related to bribery and the manipulation of judicial proceedings. But there was one in particular, too complex to explain in detail here, which involved a clash between the Attorney General’s Office and the transitional justice system over the case of a former leader of the FARC guerrillas. That happened almost three years after Martínez’s term as Attorney General began, and it was because of this case that he came out to issue the following statement.

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[Néstor Humberto]: My conscience and my devotion to the rule of law do not allow it. Therefore, I have submitted my irrevocable resignation from the position of Attorney General of the Nation.

[David]: A few days later, the ad hoc prosecutor who had been appointed to handle three lines of investigation in the Odebrecht case submitted his final report to the Supreme Court. I contacted that prosecutor, Leonardo Espinosa, to talk about his findings, but he did not respond.

[David]:  In his report, which resulted from a five-month investigation, he said that he had found, among other things, that the Attorney General’s Office did not bring significant charges against certain key figures in the Odebrecht corruption scheme; that in some cases several crimes they had already been charged with were dropped; and that arrest warrants against the leaders of Odebrecht in Colombia were not properly recorded, allowing them to leave the country without any problem. He also requested that two other prosecutors who had been in charge of the case be investigated for these irregularities.

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[María Camila Orozco]: The outgoing ad hoc prosecutor also said that he referred to this investigation as an iceberg, and that he only managed to reach a very small percentage of the Odebrecht investigation within those three lines of inquiry.

[Silvia Charry]: And one final detail: the outgoing ad hoc prosecutor, Leonardo Espinosa, says that at the time he informed the Attorney General —now former Attorney General—Néstor Humberto Martínez of all these irregularities, but that he never received a response.

[David]: After his resignation, Martínez stepped away from the public sector and returned to working with his clients and practicing commercial law. He began writing a weekly opinion column in El Tiempo, the newspaper owned by Luis Carlos Sarmiento Angulo—the same one that had chosen him as Person of the Year in 2017. He also published a book criticizing the peace process with the FARC. He very rarely discussed the Pizano case again, until he spoke with us…

[Néstor Humberto]: As I told you in one of the emails we exchanged, I had decided a long time ago not to speak about these issues again. Because I think it’s better to let history and justice evolve. But it struck me as a nice opportunity to look for a different outlet—one that knows how to do radio differently and isn’t steeped in the political conflicts we’re living through in Colombia today, which are really messed up.

[David]: From Central Series and Radio Ambulante Studios, this is La Ruta del Sol.

I’m David Trujillo. Episode 9: The Attorney General.

In early September 2025, Néstor Humberto Martínez agreed to give us an interview. As he already said, he had gone years without speaking about the Pizano case.

[Néstor Humberto]: And I have kept a precise and methodical silence. But of course, I’ve been gathering a lot of information, right? I’ve acquired a lot of information. There is nothing opinion-based here.

[David]: We met in a recording studio in Bogotá in late September. His bodyguards arrived first to inspect the place, and once they confirmed everything was fine, Martínez arrived. He entered the studio alone, sat down in front of one of the microphones, and placed a briefcase full of documents on the chair next to him. With me was Daniel Alarcón, the executive producer of Radio Ambulante Studios and one of the editors of this series. Before continuing, be aware that the interview lasted about three hours, and you can listen to it in its entirety on our website, centralpodcast.audio.

[David]: That afternoon when we interviewed him, Daniel started with the questions:

[Daniel Alarcón]: I personally… I was very curious to understand why… I mean, what was your goal with this conversation? Because it would have been very easy to ignore the email or say no thanks…

[Néstor Humberto]: Why did I do it?

[Daniel]: Yes.

[Néstor Humberto]: Because look, when this was news in Colombia, it was very contaminated by political interests. The left wanted to make me pay for my positions on the peace process. And the entire left mobilized, along with a segment of society… I think I carried out the biggest anti-corruption program that has ever been done in Colombia, a program called Bolsillos de Cristal, dealing with very sensitive cases. I mean, that program was wonderful—it touched an entire layer of corruption.

[David]: As we had already mentioned in another episode, Bolsillos de Cristal was perhaps the most emblematic program of his tenure as Attorney General, and with it he promised to fight corruption. When he resigned, in May 2019, Martínez announced that thanks to that plan there were 3,000 people charged in cases involving billions of dollars. But critics of that program insist that the figure is not at all clear because it’s not known what happened to those 3,000 people—whether they were convicted, whether they went to prison, or if they were innocent. Some even said that the numbers were inflated.

But Martínez assured us that many of those people did end up in prison as a result  of his fight against corruption, and that they themselves have been responsible for publicly discrediting him. And although he said that when he was Attorney General it was very difficult to debate with his critics, he was now willing to answer questions.

[Néstor Humberto]: And in that sense, well, it’s always better to show up when programs and things like this happen. Why? Did you find it unusual that I agreed?

[David]: Well, after so many years, yes, it did seem curious to me that you would agree—and that you would agree to give us an interview.

[Néstor Humberto]: But the thing is, if there are people who talk, who are still discussing the subject, well then they have some interest. Always– I learned that in life, who speaks has an interest. So I also have my interest, and it is to tell a documented story, right? So that public opinion can form its own judgment.

[David]: Almost fifteen minutes in—after introductions and after talking a bit about his background and what he currently does—we arrived at the topic that matters for this story.

And getting a bit more into the issue that brings us together today, we would like to know how you met Jorge Enrique Pizano. How did that relationship begin?

[Néstor Humberto]: Jorge Enrique was the father of one of my son Humberto’s best friends. In fact, at the Gimnasio Moderno, they were friends from first grade. And Jorge Enrique and I accompanied them throughout their adolescence. Later they graduated. Each went on with his professional life. Alejandro became an architect. My son Humberto became an economist. But they remained great friends, and because of that friendship I came to know a lot about Jorge Enrique’s personal life—he had ups and downs, he would leave positions, he had some professional gaps. And his son Alejandro would always tell my son Humberto: “Man, my dad is out of work; it would be good if there were some way to help him.” And I was able to help him a few times in his life.

[David]: He says he helped him, for example, resolve a very complicated corruption case when he worked at a company related to water services, and that he even helped him get the position as general manager of the Bogotá Aqueduct. After that, they grew apart for a while.

[Néstor Humberto]: And then, well, I stopped seeing him because of my positions and I began working with the government and up to that point we were… until all these Odebrecht issues came along in which he became involved.

[David]: But did you know when he started working with Corficolombiana? And with the Ruta del Sol?

[Néstor Humberto]: No, I did not know about that. At that time, for that position, I was not involved. 

[David]: From there, we moved on to trying to understand Martínez’s relationship with Luis Carlos Sarmiento Angulo, the owner of Grupo Aval.

[David]: Since when were you working with Luis Carlos Sarmiento, or what was your relationship with him like?

[Néstor Humberto]: At a certain point, I was the leading advisor in banking law in Colombia. I advised Grupo Aval, Grupo Social; I advised Citibank in Colombia; I advised Grupo Colpatria—very important, a client of mine. I also advised Grupo Davivienda.

[David]: And were you specifically hired as an advisor on the Ruta del Sol  project at any point?

[Néstor Humberto]: Never. And that is very interesting, because part of the unfounded claims that have been made is that I was the advisor and that from day one I knew everything about Ruta del Sol, about the consortium. Never. The Ruta del Sol was awarded in 2009, and the lawyer for the Ruta del Sol Consortium was the former Inspector General, Carlos Gustavo Arrieta. I had nothing to do with that public bidding process. So what they pin on me—that no, that I knew everything from day one—is a lie.

[David]: He said that it was not from day one, but he did confirm to us that he did advise the Ruta del Sol II consortium. It is known that this was in at least three matters. They are complex legal mechanisms, but I will mention them anyway. One was a legal stability agreement that was signed in 2012. It later became known that this stability agreement was secured through bribes, although Martínez has always said that he knew nothing about that. That same year, he also gave them a legal opinion for the addition of a section to that highway.  And four years later, in 2016, he drafted the settlement agreement through which Grupo Aval and Odebrecht renounced mutual claims. That contract—the one we talked about in previous episodes—was the one revealed by journalist María Jimena Duzán.

[David]: Martínez told us that for the legal opinion on the additional section, he was hired by the consortium at the request of Grupo Aval, not Odebrecht.

[Néstor Humberto]: The consortium, not Odebrecht, because I was advising Grupo Aval. I didn’t know the Brazilians; it was because I knew Grupo Aval.

[David]: After this interview, when we were fact-checking the information, we found that legal opinion. Journalist Iván Serrano had already published it, and it was addressed directly to Eder Paolo Ferracuti, the president of the consortium, who was from Odebrecht. Ferracuti was later investigated by the Colombian authorities and sanctioned by the Inspector General’s Office for his participation in the Brazilian multinational’s corruption scheme.

[David]: After almost forty minutes of conversation, we moved on to the topic of the meetings in which Jorge Enrique showed him what he had found.

And now, moving a bit toward 2015: why does Jorge Enrique Pizano go to you and have these well-known meetings, and seek you out to tell you what he had discovered?

[Néstor Humberto]: That is very interesting. First, I’ve already told you that Jorge Enrique and I built a very beautiful friendship. 

Unfortunately, today that friendship is even disavowed, despite the fact that I helped him so many times in his professional life and that my son and Jorge Enrique’s son built a friendship that went beyond closeness—they were truly like brothers, completely like brothers. Well, in 2015, when I left the Ministry of the Presidency, he sought me out. I had already returned to my private life. I went back to my office and went to take a break in Spain. And while I was in Spain, he called me and said: “Hey, I urgently need you because the Brazilians are stealing from Dr. Sarmiento.” The version Jorge Enrique gave me was that they were stealing from him and that he had some evidence and wanted to show it to me because he had tried to use the regular channels and no one was paying attention to him.

[David]: Martínez said that he asked Sarmiento Angulo for authorization to meet with Jorge Enrique and receive the documents. As we already know, they met twice.

[Néstor Humberto]: And so, at that meeting on August 19, 2015, he began to tell me what was going on. It’s a shame he only recorded audio and not video. It would have been extremely interesting because the situation was terrible.

[Daniel]: If you could take us back to that scene so we can understand… I’d like to see what the video would show that the audio doesn’t capture.

[Néstor Humberto]: Oh, because those were very theatrical situations. We were talking… you listen to that audio and you think, wow, those conversations. It’s also a bit my style of speech—very colloquial with him. I would stand up and say: “Dude, but this is… I mean, say it, is it true? Yes or no,  that this is a bribe. Say it—this must be a bribe, right?” I would stand up and sort of shout and act it out, and Jorge Enrique never got up from his chair. I remember that. And he would say, “Man, well, I really don’t know.” His interest was for Dr. Sarmiento to see the papers and for the case to be investigated. 

[David]: And in that meeting, with what he was talking about and what he was showing you, what were you able to see, or what could you infer?

[Néstor Humberto]: Well, I think it’s best summed up in the phrase that was recorded: “We’re in trouble.” We didn’t know whether this was corruption abroad, corruption in Colombia, whether these were paramilitaries or… because it could have been an unlawful levy, that they were demanding money, or it could be that they were simply stealing, just stealing the company’s money. That was really my thinking.

[David]: In the second meeting, which took place a few days later, we already know that Martínez read out a list of crimes prepared by a criminal defense lawyer. We wanted to ask him specifically about that.

And if you’ll allow me, I’m going to play an audio clip that you yourself already mentioned. And I’m going to turn up the volume.

[Néstor Humberto]: Bribes, money laundering, falsification of private documents, disloyal administration, breach of trust, fraud, aggravated theft by trust, embezzlement by appropriation.

[David]: So there you are, reading the opinion of the criminal lawyer. At that point, did you already have clarity about what was actually going on?

[Néstor Humberto]: No. What the criminal lawyer says is: based on the information you give me, these are the crimes. But if you notice, some crimes contradict others. In other words, when you say, for example, fraud, you can’t talk about corruption, because it’s either bribery or fraud.

[David]: That is Martínez’s interpretation, because crimes may or may not coincide depending on the full picture of the facts being analyzed.

[Néstor Humberto]: So this is an inventory of crimes. The report the lawyer ends with says: in order to be able to specify and know how to proceed, a forensic audit of all these documents must be carried out, and only then can it truly be concluded what this is. That’s what the lawyer’s opinion says, and that was ultimately done. I speak with Sarmiento, they appoint their audit committee with the head auditor, Dr. Rafael Neira. They bring Jorge Enrique into that work to understand what is going on, and they move forward in determining which things may be inexplicable and what conduct may be involved. And that audit work was carried out by Grupo Aval, with Jorge Enrique included.

[David]: Jorge Enrique also recorded a conversation with Rafael Neira, the person Martínez mentioned, who was the Vice President and Controller  of Grupo Aval, and he also handed over his findings to him. In his interview with Noticias Uno, Jorge Enrique said that he learned that after the audits, Grupo Aval met with Odebrecht without him. From those meetings with Odebrecht came the settlement agreement not to sue each other.

And then Daniel asked Martínez once again about the recording Jorge Enrique made of the two of them.

[Daniel]: And how do you interpret it now that your close friend recorded that conversation? That—

[Néstor Humberto]: That’s the best of all questions. 

[Daniel]: Okay. Let’s see. Because, doesn’t it feel a bit like a betrayal?

[David]: After the break, Martínez continues answering.

We’ll be right back.

We’re back on Ruta del Sol.

So… Daniel asked Martínez how he interpreted the fact that Jorge Enrique had recorded him.

[Daniel]: Doesn’t it feel a bit like him betraying you? 

[Néstor Humberto]: No.

[Daniel]: Okay.

[Néstor Humberto]: When I first spoke to the widow after his death and I said to her, Nena, why did Jorge Enrique record me?, she told me: “He recorded everyone. It’s not that he recorded me—he recorded all of his conversations. That frees me from thinking that Jorge Enrique was thinking about me. But why would he have been thinking about me if I was devoted to my professional life and later to my public life? I had no contact with those people; he never saw me involved in any of that. In other words, he comes to me because of our friendship and because he knows that I am the channel through which he can make the documents reach Sarmiento.

[David]: Later in our interview, Martínez returned to this issue of why he believed he had been recorded, and added the following about the conversation he had with Jorge Enrique’s wife.

[Néstor Humberto]: So what she tells me is… it was very painful. And he recorded and made the decision to release the recordings—this is the version I heard that day—because anyone who listens to those recordings knows that you and he are in a shared predicament, trying to figure out what is going on. It’s not that Jorge Enrique, the great investigator—she didn’t say that, I’m saying it—it’s not that Jorge Enrique, the great investigator, is taking a confrontational stance against some guy, telling him, “Look, all this is happening and you’re doing nothing.” No. It’s him and me trying to see what this is. Because of the trust he placed in me by handing over that information to me. So they thought about it a lot and believed that if it were made public, the widow says, it would make it clear that the two of us were on the same side of the movie. In every movie there are good guys and bad guys in every story, and that we were on the same side.

[David]: Jorge Enrique’s wife has never wanted to give public statements and, as we’ve told you, she didn’t want to be a part of this story either. That is why we have not mentioned her name throughout the entire series. I asked her daughters about what Martínez said, and they responded that it was not that Jorge Enrique recorded all of his conversations, but rather that he recorded some work-related ones in order to have documentation of those meetings.

And when you receive that information, you say you take it to Luis Carlos Sarmiento, as Jorge Enrique asked you to do. What else did you do?

[Néstor Humberto]: Absolutely nothing else. I was never even on the audit committees, I was not involved in the investigations. Well, from the beginning I told them, I am not a criminal lawyer, so I do not get involved in those matters.

[David]: And then the issue of what happened after the settlement agreement. My question is not so much why that agreement was made, but rather: knowing that there were irregularities, let’s call them that, why were they not reported to the authorities?

[Néstor Humberto]: I can give you the answer I have to give there: I was a lawyer in possession of that information, and constitutionally there is a duty of professional confidentiality regarding that information. In other words, with that information, as  the lawyer I was—not just in Colombia but anywhere in the world, there is absolutely nothing I can do.  Whatever had to be done had to be done by the client. Not by me.

[Daniel]: What confuses me is how someone goes from being, say, a private lawyer with clients, in a relationship where this privilege exists, and then becomes Attorney General, where the duty is to investigate irregularities that you may already have known about before. So how is that transition handled? Because the responsibilities are different, and if one is Attorney General, the client is really the Colombian people.

[Néstor Humberto]: That’s very important, because you have to understand how criminal investigations work. The Attorney General does not conduct criminal investigations. It’s that simple. The investigations are carried out by the prosecutors—5,600 autonomous and independent prosecutors that the country has.

[Daniel]: So then, what is the role of the Attorney General? Is it like in the United States when they appoint a sort of Independent Counsel and you say, “Okay, this person handles it and I stay out of it”?

[Néstor Humberto]: No, no, because in this case prosecutors are assigned. I never assigned that case. I never assigned it. They are autonomous and independent prosecutors, with one additional element: the Attorney General—or rather, the Attorney General’s Office—handles 1.8 million cases a year. And people collectively assume that the Attorney General handles those 1.8 million cases. No. That’s not possible. That’s not serious. That’s not true. What does the Attorney General do? The Attorney General focuses on criminal policy in relation to the permanent state, with Congress. During my term, that meant being fundamentally involved in all the coordination and construction of the entire legal framework of the peace process. In formulating prioritization policy. For example, I prioritized—I prioritized, and the results can never be taken away from my administration—the fight against corruption.

[David]: Regarding his election as Attorney General, we asked him whether, when he was being considered as part of the shortlist, he had informed the Supreme Court that he might have conflicts of interest.

Did you mention to them, did you tell them, that some cases involving your former clients might later be investigated by the Attorney General’s Office you could be leading? Did you mention that to the Court at any point?

[Néstor Humberto]: That’s another of my detractor’s arguments. They say, “Ah, but you should have told the Court such and such.” Let’s see. My law firm was one of the largest and most reputable law firms in the country. In other words, I had connections throughout the entire business sector. In fact, some journalist at the time, when I was nominated, said to me: “But don’t you have conflicts of interest? Because you…” And I answered somewhat dismissively: “Well, it’s just that I don’t advise criminals; I don’t practice criminal law.” That was my response. When I was nominated, no one in Colombia had any inkling of the Odebrecht issue—no one. That issue emerged here on December 21, 2016, when I was already Attorney General of the Nation. So how are they going to ask me to be a sorcerer and pull out a fortune-teller’s wand and say, “No, later on this is going to happen”? No. Many things happened.

[David]: And at that point Martínez returned to the argument that Jorge Enrique, at the moment when he recorded the conversations between the two of them, didn’t know either that what he had found might be related to crimes. He mentioned a statement Jorge Enrique gave in January 2018 before an arbitration tribunal, when he was asked about this specific issue.

[Néstor Humberto]: And Jorge Enrique, under oath, says: “At that moment I did not know that a crime had been committed, as we might be able to know today.” It couldn’t be more authentic than that. In other words, that he went to me to say, “Look at this corruption”—no. That was not the case. That was not how it happened.

[David]: Although later, in a recording from the Superintendency—

[Néstor Humberto]: Of Industry and Commerce.

[David]: He says: Go and ask Néstor Humberto Martínez, he knows everything.

I was referring to this recording of testimony given by Jorge Enrique in August 2018, when Martínez had already been Attorney General for two years, and which Caracol News revealed a few days after his death. In it, he desperately says that he told high-ranking officials from Grupo Aval about his findings, including Martínez, and that nothing happened.

Archive

[Jorge Enrique Pizano]: I hope they summon Dr. Néstor Humberto Martínez Neira to this witness stand and ask him. Or Alberto Mariño, or Mauricio Millán himself, whom I haven’t mentioned, that I told them these things. And what action… what happened? Nothing.

[David]: After the break, his response. We’ll be right back.

We’re back on La Ruta del Sol.

Before the break, I mentioned  to  Martínez the recording of Jorge Enrique Pizano’s testimony at the Superintendency of Industry and Commerce. It’s a video from August 2018 in which Jorge Enrique says that three years earlier he had told high-ranking officials at Grupo Aval—including Martínez—about his findings, and that nothing had happened.

[Néstor Humberto]: Very interesting, because you’re bringing up  a subject that is very important. What happened? What happened was the following, which is a sad part of all this.

[David]: According to Martínez, there is a backstory that explains Jorge Enrique’s statement. And it has to do with the falling apart of that friendship.

First, Martínez reminded us of the investigation that the Attorney General’s Office opened against Jorge Enrique for allegedly having received a bribe from Odebrecht when he was director of the Bogotá Aqueduct. Martínez emphasized that by the time he arrived at the Attorney General’s Office, that case was already underway.

[Néstor Humberto]: They’ve said—no, that it was, that I… There’s been so much malice and so much infamy. As if I had somehow dishonored that relationship. That I opened a special investigation against Jorge Enrique Pizano to break him, to subdue him, because he supposedly knew everything about the Odebrecht case. Well, look here: this is my WhatsApp conversation with Jorge Enrique. I’m going to commit the indiscretion of showing you what Jorge Enrique wrote to me in 2017:
“Dr. Néstor Humberto, good morning. I read El Tiempo today, truly far-fetched. A prosecutor named Valbueno—actually it’s Valbuena—has not known how to involve me in issues I haven’t taken part in for seven years.”

[David]: In that message Martínez read to us, and that we were able to see on his phone, Jorge Enrique tells him about the Aqueduct issue—that he had nothing to do with it, that a prosecutor had offered him a deal but he had rejected it. Martínez continued reading.

[Néstor Humberto]: I’ve been under investigation for four years. Jorge Enrique himself, in February 2017, tells me that he has been under investigation for four years—and they say I set up that investigation against him. Don’t be scoundrels. Don’t be vile. He himself told me that; he made me aware of it. I didn’t know.

[David]: Why do you think he sent you that message at that moment?

[Néstor Humberto]: Because I was his friend. And I was his lifeline. Obviously. What any normal person would do—grab the life preserver to see how to get out of that situation. Here is my reply. And that day my problems with Jorge Enrique, my friend, begin. That same day—you can see it here—I tell him: Jorge Enrique, I’m sorry, but you know my private phone is for personal matters. If you’re interested in submitting any formal request to the Attorney General’s Office, you can certainly do so. That’s what an honorable Attorney General would do—even with a friend. Of course, I could have called him to my house: Dear Jorge Enrique, let’s see what we can do.” No. All of that had to be handled through the judicial process. He had no reason to come to me. Go and speak with the prosecutors handling the case. That frustrated him a great deal. And I understand it, because we were very close friends, and that naturally caused enormous dismay in his family—of course it did. But do you think I had any other option? I had no other option at all.

[David]: According to Martínez, this is what caused the relationship between the two of them to deteriorate. He also told us that it was at that point that Jorge Enrique began looking for ways out of the problem he was in, and that’s why he contacted journalist María Jimena Duzán, who—according to Martínez—convinced him to begin a strategy to discredit the Attorney General’s Office.

[Daniel]: So, if when he wrote to you and said, Please help me, I’m in this situation, and you said this is my private phone. If you want to do it, it’s somewhere else. If you had said yes, let’s see friend, let’s see what we can do,  would those audios never have come out?

[Néstor Humberto]: Oh no. They never would have come out. Of course they wouldn’t have. But in between there were many more factors of pressure against me. As I told you, my son was living in New York; they had him travel to Barcelona, where Alejandro was living, and he went as his close friend to visit him there with his wife. And my son told me that the whole time he kept telling him to talk to his father so that he wouldn’t do anything to Jorge Enrique. That’s the story. That’s what’s behind all of this. So the whole story has to be told.

[David]: Martínez told us that although the relationship with Jorge Enrique had indeed broken down, there was a moment when he thought things might improve. It was at the funeral of Martínez’s sister, in August 2018, three months before Jorge Enrique died.

[Néstor Humberto]: Jorge Enrique went to the funeral. I thought that was very noble of him. He came up to me and hugged me. Later, his son told me that he had appreciated that very much, because there had been a doubt of whether I had stopped caring for him or whether I was after him or something like that.

[David]: Martínez was left with a good feeling. But he told us that two days later he received a new message from Jorge Enrique. That one, he didn’t show us. According to Martínez, Jorge Enrique deleted it because, apparently, he had sent it to the wrong person—it was actually meant for his son Alejandro. But Martínez assured us that even though Jorge Enrique deleted it, he had already read it.

[Néstor Humberto]: That message that Jorge Enrique deleted, two days after my sister’s death, said something like: “Hey, that’s it, I’m desperate now. I’m going to stir up a media mess. That’s the only thing left for my defense.” Something along those lines—that’s what he said. So since I had already read it, I wrote back to him. What does it say there?

[David]: And he showed us his reply in the chat. He read it aloud.

[Néstor Humberto]: So I wrote back: “Wow!”—with exclamation marks.

[David]: And then he read to us the message Jorge Enrique sent in response.

[Néstor Humberto]: And it says: “I made a mistake. It was for Alejandro Pizano. It was for Alejandro, telling him that I can’t stand anymore the threats from prosecutor Zettien, acting on instructions from above to mess up Pizano, that they let my lawyer know, and that I want to explain to the media that I’m not a criminal. Will you forgive me? I know this is your personal phone. My apologies. I’m very distressed.”
So do you see how he changed his strategy? After that, he started looking for foreign authorities, he started reaching out to Colombian journalists—for what he told me on August 9: “I’m going to make a scandal, I can’t take it anymore.” He really changed his strategy so that the Attorney General’s Office wouldn’t investigate him. That’s my conclusion. And in the face of that strategy, I unfortunately end up being a victim of all this. Because if I had stepped in, if I had improperly interfered in that case, he would have been calm and nothing would have happened. And everyone would be very happy. But that is not how justice works, nor is that my character.

[David]: And at that point I brought up Jorge Enrique’s desperation over what he believed was persecution by the Attorney General’s Office—his conviction that his communications were being intercepted.

Jorge Enrique later said, in that Noticias Uno interview, that he felt there was a persecution, more than just a legal proceeding, so to speak.

[Néstor Humberto]: And that’s understandable, understandable. Anyone in those circumstances feels like they’re being persecuted. And that was the idea that was sold to him.

[David]: He talked about possible wiretaps, about calls being tapped, about people listening to his conversations at home. What can you say about that? He said it was all orchestrated by the Attorney General’s Office.

[Néstor Humberto]: Well, I don’t know—I don’t know if his phone was being intercepted. You know that when there are investigations, the phones of those under investigation can be intercepted. Today, in response to your question, I can tell you under oath that I don’t know.

[David]: I then moved on to talk about the protection that Jorge Enrique himself had requested from the Attorney General’s Office, because he felt that his safety and that of his family were at risk.

About the issue of him having requested protection from Amparo Cerón—directly from you.

[Néstor Humberto]: No, never directly from me, because he wasn’t speaking to me.

[David]: He sent a letter to the Attorney General’s Office.

[Néstor Humberto]: Yes, and I’ll start by telling you that the Attorney General receives 8,000 letters a day, every day addressed by name: “Mr. Néstor Martínez, Attorney General.” And there are units of, I don’t know how many, maybe 50 people who distribute those letters among all the different offices. I never knew that he had requested security.

[David]: And would you have granted it?

[Néstor Humberto]: But of course. If I had known, I would have given Jorge Enrique protection. But look how telling this is, how curious—this is yet another one of the vile things people have said about me—so I brought the documents.

[David]: As we said earlier, Martínez arrived at this interview with a briefcase full of documents. At that moment, he took one out and began to explain it to us.

[Néstor Humberto]: Let’s see, the story is this: on August 14, 2018, Jorge Enrique Pizano wrote to Dr. Amparo Cerón requesting protection for his family. He had testified in June of that year, remember? So he was having security concerns, and those concerns had to be legitimate. Then Amparo Cerón, who is a prosecutor, wrote to the National Director of Protection and Assistance on August 21, 2018, and said: “Please grant protection.” And this is sacred—these are the documents. An auditor once taught me that papers speak for themselves.
On September 11, 2018, the Director of Protection and Assistance says: “In response to the request for protection from Mr. Jorge Enrique Pizano, I hereby inform you that, by means of an act dated today, it was decided not to include him in the protection program. This decision was made because, after conducting the technical threat and risk assessment, the necessary elements to incorporate him as a beneficiary of the protection program were not found, considering that he did not give his consent for possible inclusion and therefore did not meet the requirements of Article Two of Resolution [number] of 2016. This information is confidential.”

He did not enter the protection program because he did not sign the document by which he would agree to submit to the protection protocol. Those who are placed under protection are moved to undisclosed apartments paid for by the Attorney General’s Office, and they are given special security details. I don’t know if that seemed acceptable to Jorge Enrique, or if it didn’t appeal to him—whatever the reason. The fact is, it was he who chose not to enter the protection program. Here is the letter. For everything, I have a paper and a document, and I have spent these past six years gathering them, because this is about the integrity of the Attorney General’s Office and the integrity of my own honor.

[David]: I continued asking him about the statements made against him by the former anti-corruption prosecutor. That former prosecutor, remember, ended up in prison precisely for corruption.

And about the accusations made by Luis Gustavo Moreno, which he has been making since 2020 and 2021.

In interviews with María Jimena Duzán, Moreno said that Martínez appointed him to that position in order to run a corrupt machinery inside the Attorney General’s Office.

[Néstor Humberto]: I’ll start by saying that Luis Gustavo Moreno is also another convicted individual. All these people who circle around and who have said something share one thing in common: they were investigated and convicted during the term of Néstor Humberto Martínez. The case of Moreno was extremely painful. I entrusted him completely with the most important program I had at the Attorney General’s Office, which was the Anti-Corruption Program. And I did so because one of my best friends recommended him, and he had a résumé as a distinguished university professor. And then it became necessary to arrest Moreno, and later came his conviction. He has shown a great deal of remorse, which I find wonderful.

And then he said: “Yes, but Néstor Humberto Martínez appointed Amparo Cerón so that she would handle the case.” What did Amparo Cerón do as soon as those statements by Luis Gustavo Moreno became public? She filed a criminal complaint against him. And that woman would die for her honor—rightly so. That is what we honorable citizens must do when corruption chases us: go to the justice system. But people don’t even bother to look into those investigations.

[David]: Nearly two and a half hours into the interview, we returned to the story of Jorge Enrique…

How did you receive the news of Jorge Enrique’s death, and then, Alejandro’s? How did you experience that moment?

[Néstor Humberto]: That was very painful—very painful—because, whether people believe it today or not, it hurts that the family allowed themselves to be fed certain stories. But they know that I was a genuine friend to Jorge Enrique.

[David]: And in the midst of that tragedy, did you regret anything at that moment, or did you feel you could have done something more for Jorge Enrique at that time?

[Néstor Humberto]: Look, what they accuse me of is having sped up a process that I didn’t even know existed. They say I reopened the case. I already showed you that Jorge Enrique himself told me he had been dealing with that for four years. In other words, I had nothing to do with that mess. I could have regretted it if I had said, Well, I could have intervened in that process. And as has been done so many times in this country, shelved the investigation, locked it away. But I didn’t do that. And in that moral and human dilemma, I ask myself: did I act rightfully? And I have to answer: I acted rightfully. I couldn’t offer Jorge Enrique hope outside of what was in the case files.

[David]: Although we initially thought the interview would last no more than an hour, we ended up talking about many topics for around three hours. At the end, Martínez gathered all the documents he had been taking out and putting on the table. He organized them and put them away in his briefcase. We said goodbye.

In the next episode, the last in this series, we’ll hear from him again. And from the Pizano family as well, of course.

[Carolina Pizano]: Once we were able to manage the grief, to be a bit calmer, to a certain extent, you start to realize that, for our grieving process, it’s also necessary to have the intention of clarifying what happened. It’s very easy to say, I’m not going to think about that, I’ll just think about the nice things that happened, about the good things. Yes, about the family we had, about the love, the relationship. Yes—but that’s not seeing the elephant in the room. It’s about looking for the reason for the death. It’s about opening Pandora’s box.

[Juanita Pizano]: I don’t like that comment from third parties—why are you all so angry? That old comment you hear all the time to women: calm down. No, I’m not angry or hysterical. I just want to know what happened. The three of us—my mom, my sister, and I—would like the Attorney General’s Office to carry out all of the duties that correspond to it, properly and legally, because it didn’t do so at the time.

Credits

[David]: La Ruta del Sol is a podcast by Central, the narrative series channel of Radio Ambulante Studios, and it’s part of iHeartRadio’s My Cultura podcast network.

The reporting and production of this episode were done by me, David Trujillo. The lead editor is Camila Segura, with additional editing by Daniel Alarcón, Silvia Viñas, and Eliezer Budasoff. Eliezer is the project manager. Fact-checking was done by Bruno Scelza and Sergio Sebastián Retavisca. Legal review was conducted by Camilo Vallejo. Sound design and mixing were done by Martín Cruz, with original music by Andrés Nusser. The graphic design and art direction for the series are by Diego Corzo.

Product development for La Ruta del Sol was led by Natalia Ramírez. Digital production was handled by Nelson Rauda and Óscar Luna, with support from Lina Rincón and Samantha Proaño, from the Radio Ambulante Studios audience team.

La Ruta del Sol was recorded at Fiona Records.

At iHeart, the executive producers are Arlene Santana and Leo Gomez.

We would like to thank FLIP for their valuable support in the legal review of this production and for their advice on security matters.

Carolina Guerrero is the executive producer of Central and the CEO of Radio Ambulante Studios.

You can follow us on social media as central podcast RA and subscribe to our newsletter at centralpodcast.audio.

I’m David Trujillo. Thanks for listening.

Episode 8 | The Contact

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[David Trujillo]: In the previous episode we talked about an important character in this story: Luis Fernando Andrade. Let’s remember that Andrade directed the National Infrastructure Agency,  ANI, the government entity that plans, hires, and executes megaprojects in the country. It was in that process of creating the ANI that Andrade learned about the Ruta del Sol II project, and later, because of an additional section of that highway, they took him to trial for allegedly benefiting Odebrecht and put him under house arrest.

At the beginning of 2018, while Andrade was in house arrest, Jorge Enrique Pizano, decided to reach out to him. This is Andrade.

[Luis Fernando Andrade]: I imagine he saw in me someone who was in a situation very similar to his. And so he asked me to help him because he was very scared.

[David]: Andrade’s wife, Teresa Chevres, was the one who met with Jorge Enrique.

[Teresa Chevres]: He was very worried that he was being followed and that something might happen to him.

[Luis Fernando]: And obviously he couldn’t trust at all the Colombian justice system, well, because the Attorney General’s Office was controlled by the person who was persecuting him, right? And I helped him get in touch with the United States authorities.

[David]: The day Jorge Enrique died, Juanita, his youngest daughter, went to the house where it all happened to pick up some documents. In her father’s room, Juanita found the clothes he had picked to wear that day.

[Juanita Pizano]: And there was his jacket. So I put on that jacket. I searched his pockets and he had, like, yes, papers, receipts, and I found the FBI agent’s card.

[David]: The card from someone at the FBI. It was very worn, as if it had been in that pocket for a while. A few days before, Jorge Enrique had told Juanita that he had already sent the evidence of the irregularities in Ruta del Sol II to the American authorities. Although he had been discreet, Juanita knew that Jorge Enrique had been talking with them for a few months, and that card most likely was from one of those contacts.

Despite the card’s condition, everything could be read clearly. It had the FBI logo, a phone number, a fax number, an address and an email. The card was from a special agent of the International Corruption Unit, the area dedicated to investigating violations of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.

The agent’s name was also clearly visible: Jared Randall. His name was mentioned a lot in different media in 2015 because he was the one who led the investigation of another major international corruption scandal: the FIFA or «FIFA Gate,» as the press called it.

Juanita didn’t know if it was to this particular agent, but she did know that her father had given them very important information.

[Juanita]: Obviously the Americans have many more tools to find information. But definitely my dad’s complaint was at least the basis for the Americans to find much more. I mean, what my dad found was like the tip of the iceberg. I mean, it had to be very serious, I don’t know. It had to be much more than what my dad could have imagined.

[David]: From Central Series and Radio Ambulante Studios, this is La Ruta del Sol.

I’m David Trujillo. Episode 8: The Contact

The first meeting Teresa had with Jorge Enrique was around four or five months before his death. Since they knew they were being watched, they took precautions: the first was to meet in a neutral place, not at their homes.

[Teresa]: Since I knew how things were with cell phones, etc., I went there without a cell phone. He was… he had a hat and also had, like, sun  glasses so he wouldn’t be recognized.

[David]: Jorge Enrique told her of the irregularities he knew about and the evidence he had been collecting for years, including recordings of high-ranking officials from Grupo Aval.

[Teresa]: I mean, he had made these recordings because he understood that something strange was going on and decided to record it to protect himself. So, he gave me the CDs and other photocopied documents. We listened to them, I translated them into English.

[David]: While she was making those translations, Teresa realized that what was there was important.

[Teresa]: The information he brought  showed that… well, that Odebrecht hadn’t said everything it had done in Colombia.

[David]: Teresa and Andrade knew that this would likely interest the American authorities, so they organized a meeting between Jorge Enrique and their FBI contact, with whom they had already been talking before. I asked them if it was Jared Randall, the same agent from the card that Jorge Enrique’s daughter found in his jacket,, but they couldn’t give me more details. Everything in this investigation was –and still is– handled with great secrecy.

What we do know is that, after meeting two or three times with Teresa, Jorge Enrique agreed to meet with the FBI at the American embassy in Colombia. Teresa would accompany him and would be in charge of translating the conversation.

[Teresa]: If the FBI wanted to continue afterward, well, they would have an official translator and I wouldn’t be part of that.

[David]: Although Teresa couldn’t confirm the details of what was  discussed there either, she told me that Jorge Enrique gave the FBI agent the same documents he had given her. She assured me that she didn’t accompany Jorge Enrique anymore, but she told me that the FBI agent was interested enough in the information to meet with him again. Andrade told me that Jorge Enrique didn’t get a formal offer of protection as a witness, because everything happened very quickly, but that he does believe they were in the process of considering it.

Jorge Enrique didn’t give Juanita, his youngest daughter, much detail about what he was discussing with the United States authorities. But she does remember that there was a moment when he started asking her to translate documents and emails that they sent him. She says that through one of those emails she found out that the FBI people were taking him seriously.

[Juanita]: The FBI agents told him that his safety was compromised and that they were going to do everything within their reach to take us all to the United States so that we would be protected under a Witness Protection Program.

[David]: The witness protection program. Although we asked the entity in charge of  this program about this case, they said they couldn’t answer specific questions. But Juanita does remember seeing it in her father’s emails.

[Juanita]: According to the documents I saw, he was applying for that, and with that they were going to take him to the United States. I assume the rest of us too, well Carolina was already in Spain, Alejandro was already in Spain, but then my mom and I. So I didn’t have a suitcase ready, but in my head I already had sort of figured out what I was going to take in case we had to leave Colombia kind of quickly. Because the idea was to get him out of Colombia as soon as possible. And that’s what the messages from the American authorities said. But there wasn’t a specific date. Everything depended on how… on the visa process.

[David]: Juanita already had a visa. But Jorge Enrique and his wife had to get a tourist one through the conventional process because, according to Juanita, his contacts in the United States told him that the complaint was a secret matter. Nobody, not even at the embassy, could find out what was going on. That’s how they did it. They followed the recommendations, but in the end they were denied the visas. A State Department spokesperson told us that he couldn’t talk about specific cases either, so we can’t know the reasons for that decision, but Juanita suspects that the investigation against her father by the Attorney General’s Office had something to do with it.

[Juanita]: That was in September 2018, and it was a really hard blow for my dad. He became very depressed after that. And the FBI agent told us this doesn’t end the process; it just delays it a bit because they needed to figure out how to bring him.

[David]: Jorge Enrique agreed to move forward, but before signing and sending the formal complaint, he asked Juanita to read the whole document with her law-student eyes.

[Juanita]: Well, it was a very long document. I was 18 at the time when he asked me to read it, and I feel like I was really young, and I mean, I was in my third semester of law school — I didn’t know much yet. I mean, I know English, so I could read it, but there were many things that confused me. I really had to look everything up, and it caused me a lot of fear. I was literally crying, begging him not to put his name on it, to send it anonymously, because reading all this made me realize how serious the situation was. It’s not like I didn’t know it was serious, but it was a lot. And seeing the transcriptions of the recordings with Néstor Humberto, where he listed all the crimes— I don’t know why, but in English they sounded even worse.

[David]: Everything was overwhelming for her, but she helped her father in any way she could.

A few days before he died, Jorge Enrique told Juanita that he had already officially sent the complaint. He told her he had done it anonymously, and he also told her that Grupo Aval would not only know about the complaint, but also about the evidence supporting it.

 [Juanita]: And my dad’s voice is in the evidence, because the recordings are there.  Who else could it be? And all the emails, everything… even if they cross checked his name, I mean, they just look him up on a computer for one second and my dad’s name comes up. So it was very clear that he was the complainant, even if his actual name wasn’t written there, and that’s what made him most nervous.

[David]: Juanita remembers that moment with her father clearly.


[Juanita]: His eyes welled up. So I started crying too, out of nerves, because I didn’t understand anymore. I mean, the situation was already very tense, and I said to him: “Where do we have to go now? Do we need to hide? What are we supposed to do?” And he told me, “I don’t know anymore, we just have to stay still…”

[David]: And wait to see what would happen.

We’ll be right back.

We’re back on La Ruta del Sol.

[David]: When Teresa heard from her husband that Jorge Enrique had died, she couldn’t stop crying.

[Teresa]: I mean, I had known him only briefly, but I had grown very fond of him. Because I truly thought he was a very good person, very decent, very thorough, who was suffering a lot. I mean, he reminded me a lot of Luis in that he was someone who had never let himself be pressured, and never would.

[David]: But that sadness turned into fear when, three days later, they learned of Alejandro’s tragic death.

[Teresa]: I mean, it wasn’t just being worried about the Pizanos — it was being worried about all of us. Because honestly, this was way too much for me. I never imagined I would be afraid that someone might kill me, or that I’d be talking to someone who was afraid that they were going to be killed and then actually died. I mean, I stepped into this surreal dimension — it was like living inside a Netflix series. It was… I prefer to watch things like this on TV, to read about them in books.

[David]: In the middle of all the confusion, Teresa called the FBI contact — the same one who had been speaking with Jorge Enrique — and told him everything that was going on. She wanted to let him know about the potential risk her husband and the rest of her family were facing. Almost two weeks after Alejandro’s death, the media published a letter that the U.S. Ambassador to Colombia had sent to the agency in charge of the prisons. Remember that Andrade was a U.S. citizen.

[Carlos Barragán]: It says that, given the recent news related to the Odebrecht case, they request special attention to the safety and physical integrity of Mr. Andrade and his relatives who live in the place of detention.

[David]: But one of the moments when Andrade and Teresa felt most nervous about their safety was when they watched the debate in Congress — the one we talked about in previous episodes. In that debate, the then Attorney General mentioned them by name and accused them of staging what he called “the most shameful conspiracy case against Colombian justice in history.”

[Luis Fernando]: If the Attorney General came out to declare that you, for example, were the biggest conspirator against Colombian justice in the country’s history, wouldn’t you feel afraid? Wouldn’t you feel like you were being threatened?

[Teresa]: I took that — and so did Luis — as a threat. And this time, a very real threat.

[David]: And they reached a conclusion.

[Teresa]: Yes, we decided we had to leave Colombia.

[David]: But before they could leave, they had to wait for the court’s decision regarding Andrade’s release. A full year of pretrial detention had already passed, and now they were going to decide whether to extend it or allow him to face trial in freedom. One week after that debate in Congress, the court ruled that the measure was no longer— and I quote — “adequate, necessary, or proportional.” And Andrade regained his freedom.

Even though it was good news for him and his family, the situation kept getting more and more tense. A few days after his release, the judge in his case reported that he was being harassed. This is what he said during a hearing:

[Judge]: I report harassment by aggressive motorcyclists. They stop in front of the vehicle I commute in — which is my personal vehicle — and I had never seen anything like this before.

[David]: Around that time, it also became known that the U.S. Department of Justice had opened a formal investigation into Grupo Aval and Corficolombiana for possible corruption in Ruta del Sol II.

Amid all that avalanche of events, the uproar caused by the forensic analyses in the investigation of the Pizano deaths, and taking advantage of the fact that he no longer had any travel restrictions, Andrade put into motion the decision to leave with his family for the United States. They were going to travel on a private plane. But at the airport, right before takeoff, something happened.

[Luis Fernando]: A security vehicle came — I think it was from Colombian Immigration. They took me off the plane, the bodyguard who had come from the United States accompanied me, and basically what they wanted was to detain me at the airport.

Hours and hours went by, and nothing happened. The person who had to authorize the plane’s departure wasn’t answering the phone, so Teresa started making calls.

[Teresa]: So I got in touch with the people in the United States, who in turn contacted the key people in Colombia — the ones whose call the airport official did have to take  — and then he finally gave the authorization for the plane to take off, and it took off.

[David]: Andrade and Teresa arrived in the United States, where they were able to feel much safer. A welcome ceremony was even held for him at the Office of the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs and he received a medal. But remember, the trial wasn’t over, and over time new charges were added and new proceedings were opened in other institutions. Andrade was a U.S. citizen, but he still had to follow the proceedings from there, attend virtual hearings, and respond to everything Colombian authorities requested.

We already know that one of his key witnesses in the case, Jorge Enrique, was gone — but there was someone else who was also very important. This was Rafael Merchán, who had served as Secretary of Transparency under the Santos administration, precisely when Andrade was director of the ANI. At that time, according to Andrade, the two of them had raised alarms to prevent Odebrecht from creating a cartel in the road contract bids, and they planned a mechanism to report any irregularities.

[Luis Fernando]: Rafael Merchán was always trying to do things by the book, with transparency. And his participation was very important to me because, since I’m accused of favoring Odebrecht, I wanted him to testify about the efforts he and I made to ensure that Odebrecht couldn’t control other participants in the bidding process.

[David]: But in late December 2018, a little more than a month after the Pizanos’ deaths…

[Jorge Alfredo Vargas]: Another witness in the Odebrecht case was found dead today.

[María Lucía Fernández]: It is Rafael Merchán, who served as Presidential Secretary of Transparency during the administration of President Juan Manuel Santos.

[Journalist]: The causes of death have not yet been clarified by the Institute of Forensic Medicine, which is still conducting studies on the body of the former official.


[Journalist]: Official sources indicated that his family had not heard from him since the past weekend, before Christmas. Merchán was scheduled to testify in favor of Luis Fernando Andrade in the case related to the bribery scandal involving the Brazilian multinational Odebrecht in Colombia.

[David]: Another one of Andrade’s witnesses had died.

[Luis Fernando]: I mean, it was a deep sadness and a horrible tragedy. And honestly, well, there’s the question of what really happened in that case, right? Because they investigated it very quickly, closed the investigation, and declared it was a suicide — and that was that.

[David]: Suicide… and also with cyanide. According to the Attorney General’s’s Office, Rafael Merchán committed suicide by consuming the same poison that killed Alejandro Pizano. But in this case, his family said it had nothing to do with his work as a public official. The Attorney General’s Office closed the investigation based on evidence that Merchán had purchased the poison.

A short break, and we’ll be back.

We’re back on La Ruta del Sol.

So, one month after the Pizanos’ deaths, it became known that the U.S. Department of Justice had begun an investigation against Grupo Aval and its subsidiary Corficolombiana for irregularities in the construction of Ruta del Sol II. The company said from the very beginning that it would cooperate with the investigation.

And nothing more was known about it until August 2023, almost five years later, when the U.S. Department of Justice and the Securities and Exchange Commission — the SEC — sanctioned Grupo Aval and Corficolombiana for violating the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.

To begin with, we need to be clear: yes, the investigation revealed that Corficolombiana facilitated the payment of more than 23 million dollars in bribes between roughly 2012 and 2015, and that the company — in order to avoid being prosecuted by the Department of Justice — accepted an agreement called a Deferred Prosecution Agreement. Remember that well: Deferred Prosecution Agreement.

But let’s go step by step. I know this is a complex, tangled legal process that needs to be examined carefully. So, to understand it better — and to understand the role Jorge Enrique Pizano might have played in all of this — I spoke with U.S. journalist Stan Alcorn.

[Stan Alcorn]: I’m an investigative journalist. And back in the United States, before coming to Colombia, I did a lot of investigative reporting, including on criminal cases in which the FBI was involved.

[David]: Stan has been investigating this story for months.

But to begin to understand what this Deferred Prosecution Agreement actually means, why would the United States be interested in a Colombian case?

[Stan]: Yes, so the short answer is that even though it’s a Colombian company, there is a connection to the United States.

[David]: Remember that Grupo Aval entered the New York Stock Exchange in 2014, and part of the bribe money moved through U.S. banks. In fact, the only concrete example in the agreement of one payment that went through those banks appears to be the same one Jorge Enrique mentioned in his interview with Noticias Uno: the 2.7-million-dollar payment.

[Stan]: But there’s also a longer answer that basically responds to the question: Why does a U.S. law against bribing public officials in other countries even exist? And that’s another story.

[David]: That story began in the 1970s, after the Richard Nixon administration and the major scandal known as Watergate, which ended in the president’s resignation. During the hearings about the case, it came out that several large companies had given suitcases full of cash to Nixon’s campaign, and that set off alarms for the authorities, who began investigating whether companies were making similar payments… in other words, bribes — and not just in the United States.


[Stan]: And it turned out that many large companies were routinely making big cash payments abroad to government officials — from prime ministers to police officials, for example. And at that time, in the ’70s, none of this was illegal. In fact, companies could deduct those bribes from their taxes.

[David]: So they decided to put a stop to it, and that’s how the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act — the FCPA — was created.

[Stan]: It is really, or is considered to be, the first law that made it illegal to pay bribes in foreign countries.
 

[David]: By 2018, when Jorge Enrique Pizano began talking to U.S. authorities, several things were happening: many international companies had entered U.S. stock exchanges — meaning there were more companies to investigate. Also, countries across the continent had created laws to fight international corruption and to cooperate with the U.S. authorities. And, of course, the Odebrecht case had exploded.

The FBI—particularly its International Corruption Unit—had a lot of work to do. Remember that this was the unit that appeared on the business card Juanita, Jorge Enrique’s younger daughter, found in the pocket of his jacket.

[Stan]: I spoke with Darryl Wegner, who was the head of the International Corruption Unit between 2015 and early 2018.

[Darryl Wegner]: “Really it was—we identified it as a need, as an investigative need, that came out of demand.”

[Stan]: And overall he told me that they were responding to the demand from the Department of Justice and the SEC, and that’s when the FBI began focusing more on this kind of case during those years.

[Wegner]: “It wasn’t a situation where we thought, ‘Hey, there’s a lot of corruption. We need to go meet that market.’ The market came to us.”

[David]: Wegner says it wasn’t a situation where they thought, “Hey, there’s a lot of corruption; we need to go looking for that market.” No. The market came to them. He also told Stan that in 2018 there were FBI agents in several countries, including Colombia, and that they had been invited by those governments. Although neither the FBI nor the Department of Justice nor the SEC answered our questions—and everything related to the Deferred Prosecution Agreement investigation is very secret— Wegner explained to Stan that these agents can conduct an initial interview with someone who approaches the Embassy to report something. Here’s Wegner again:

[Derryl]: “An agent who’s assigned to the embassy anywhere in the world can take a matter in as a first instance, as a whistleblower; someone can facilitate that.”

[Stan]: It’s very common for people who want to report something to go to a U.S. embassy and want to speak with someone—for example, with the FBI. But afterward, if there is interest, an agent with more specific expertise would be needed.

[Wegner]: “Every investigation has its own nuances and skill sets; someone who works child porn is very different from someone who works a corporate fraud.”

[David]: Translation: “Each investigation has its own nuances. Someone who works on child pornography is very different from someone who works on corporate fraud.” And that’s why, if it’s a case involving corruption, it must be handled by an agent from one of those units.

[David]: And do you think—or well, can we know—what role the agent on the card found by Pizano’s daughter might have had?

[Stan]: Well, yes. The card says Jared Randall, International Corruption Unit. And based on his LinkedIn, it seems that there is indeed a Jared Randall who was part of that unit during those years. We tried to contact him. He didn’t respond, but it makes sense that someone like him would handle interviews in a potential case related to the FCPA.

[David]: Now, about the offer to protect Jorge Enrique and get him out of the country, Stan was able to find out from his sources that, in general, yes, it is possible for the FBI to offer that kind of help in certain circumstances. Wegner confirmed it.

[Wegner]: “And the answer is yes, that is possible, right. But it all depends, and obviously I wouldn’t want to go into all that stuff. But certainly, like a core tenet—and I’m sure for your line of work as well—is you need folks to be comfortable bringing information to you. That if they do bring a concern, it does not lead to their destruction.”

[Stan]: According to Wegner, “it’s necessary for people to feel comfortable providing information to the FBI.” They need to make sure that doing so “won’t lead to their downfall.” But Wegner and also another FBI agent I spoke with told me that, in corruption cases, there are usually easier ways to protect someone than sending them out of the country. Because corruption isn’t like a murder—where if the only witness testifies in court, they’re putting their life in danger. Corruption doesn’t work like that. To carry out millions of dollars in bribes, there are documents, lawyers, bank accounts—there’s a lot of evidence. And investigators just need someone to tell them where to look.

[David]: And yes, although Jorge Enrique was the first to internally flag the irregularities, we can’t confirm exactly what role he played in the FBI’s investigation.

Do you think we can get closer—or try to understand—how important Jorge Enrique Pizano was in this investigation?

[Stan]: Well, to know know? No. Because none of the people and entities involved answered that question. But it’s obvious that Pizano was super important in the whole story, right? Reporting the contracts internally, talking to Colombian authorities, handing documents to the media. But regarding the U.S. investigation, the only thing I could say is that the Department of Justice formally opened its investigation one day after Alejandro Pizano’s death. So I can’t say for sure that one thing caused the other, but, well, the dates speak. It happened immediately after.

[David]: And now, going back to the Deferred Prosecution Agreement. What does it say? What does this document say?

[Stan]: Well, first of all, we have to say there were two agreements announced at the same time: one with the SEC.

[David]: The SEC, the Securities and Exchange Commission… That document—which is not criminal but civil, as the SEC itself explains—states that Corficolombiana paid bribes through fake contracts, and that Grupo Aval included them in the accounting books it regularly submitted to that agency. For that reason, the SEC ordered Grupo Aval to never again violate the law, but also to pay 40 million dollars, which is the money the company obtained from those bribes plus interest, according to the document.

The other document, which is from the Department of Justice, is the actual Deferred Prosecution Agreement.

[Stan]: Which is more complicated, but also more interesting. That agreement includes a criminal charge against Corficolombiana for violating the FCPA.

[David]: For violating the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.

[Stan]: In fact, it’s the same offense for which Odebrecht pleaded guilty in 2016. But the small yet important difference between the two cases is that here, Corficolombiana did not plead guilty. For now.

[David]: Exactly, for now, because the agreement is in effect until August 2026. And understanding that is very important because what the Department of Justice did was tell Corficolombiana that it would not take the next step—prosecuting them—as long as they complied with a long list of requirements.

Stan used a metaphor to explain it:

[Stan]: This is more or less like having a loaded gun: if Corficolombiana complies with the agreement, they won’t pull the trigger and take them to trial.

[David]: There are many requirements in the agreement, but according to the document, among them is paying another fine of 40 million dollars—which would be cut in half if Corficolombiana pays more than 20 million to a Colombian authority, the Superintendence of Industry and Commerce, for a similar sanction. In other words, they have to pay fines totaling more than 80 million dollars: 60 to U.S. authorities and more than 20 to the Colombian one.

[Stan]: Another requirement is a whole series of internal measures and mechanisms to prevent something like this from happening again. And the company also has to acknowledge its responsibility—that is, it cannot deny that the bribes really took place and that they, Corficolombiana, do bear responsibility for those bribes. And if they comply with all these conditions, then after three years—that is, at the end of 2026—the Department of Justice commits to withdrawing the criminal charges against the company.

[David]: So, going back to Stan’s metaphor: if all of this is fulfilled, the U.S. authorities commit to putting down the gun they have pointed at the company. And it would be a decision made solely by the Department of Justice, one that couldn’t even be appealed.

[Stan]: If the Department of Justice decides that the company has not complied with the agreement, then they can easily prosecute Corficolombiana using all the information that has been provided to them. And given that the company has already admitted responsibility, a conviction would be practically guaranteed.

[David]: And how did the company communicate all of this at the time? Were there several statements? What did they say?

[Stan]: In general, the press releases emphasized heavily the fact that the investigation had been closed. Right? That’s the headline of the first press release: “After five years, the investigations by the U.S. government come to an end.”

[David]: Which is true, and some media outlets ran almost the same headline. But they didn’t focus on the sanction Corficolombiana accepted in order to avoid a harsher conviction.

So, to make it really clear: this agreement did not demonstrate the innocence of Corficolombiana, or of Grupo Aval, or of the people who worked there… not even of its owners, the Sarmiento family. In fact, the agreement specifies that it offers no protection whatsoever against the prosecution of any individual, regardless of their relationship with the company or any of its affiliates or subsidiaries. But the truth is that there was a lot of confusion.

[Stan]: There were many people—journalists, politicians, influential people—who at that moment said things like: “Oh, this guy is innocent,” or “this company is innocent.” And I think that is, well, to put it mildly, a very poor way of understanding this kind of agreement.

[David]: In the more than 50 pages of the document, they describe how the bribes were managed, the amount of money that moved, how the payments were made… They also mention people who offered and received those bribes. And there are some people in there who facilitated the bribes, but whose names are not given. Do you know why that happens?

[Stan]: Basically, this is an agreement with the company. They are accusing the company of having committed a crime; they are not legally accusing any individual person. And the Department of Justice’s policy says that, to protect the privacy and reputation of uncharged individuals, they do it this way—using generic descriptors like “Corficolombiana Executive” or “Colombian Official Number 2.”

[David]: One of those unidentified figures that drew the most attention from journalists and people following the case was the one referred to as “Colombian Official Number 3”—described literally as “a high-ranking official in the executive branch of the Colombian government approximately between 2010 and 2018,” who received bribes totaling 3.4 million dollars. To this day, it’s not known for certain who that senior official was.

At the time we finished this story, there was still one year left before the deadline given to Corficolombiana by the Department of Justice to comply with the agreement. We contacted them through their Director of Communications and Marketing, sent several questions, and she responded verbatim that “regarding this particular matter, Corfi refrains from issuing any explicit statement.”

In February 2025, President Donald Trump suspended the enforcement of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act for 180 days. The argument was that they were going to review ongoing investigations and already resolved cases because, for Trump, it is a law that sounds good on paper but often ends up preventing other countries from wanting to do business with U.S. companies. Although the reality is that nearly all the most significant sanctions have been imposed on foreign companies, not U.S. ones, this is what the president said the day he signed the executive order suspending the law:

[Donald Trump]: It means that if an American goes over to a foreign country and starts doing business over there legally, legitimately or otherwise, it’s almost a guaranteed investigation indictment. And nobody wants to do business with the Americans.

[David]: In June, the Department of Justice published a new guide on how to apply this law in accordance with President Trump’s instructions to—quote—“limit undue burdens on U.S. companies operating abroad and direct enforcement actions against conduct that directly undermines the national interests of the United States.”

It also became known that the Department of Justice reduced the number of attorneys working on matters related to the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. But then…

Does this mean that these processes that are already underway around the world, like the one against Corficolombiana and Grupo Aval, will be closed or come to an end?

[Stan]: Well, during the pause that Trump ordered, there was indeed a review of cases, and some investigations and some agreements were closed before their expiration date. And it is also true that there is a lot of fear that perhaps we will see fewer of these kinds of investigations in the future. But so far, there is no sign that they plan to close or stop monitoring the Deferred Prosecution Agreement with Corficolombiana.

[David]: In the next episode…

[Néstor Humberto Martínez]: And I have kept a precise and methodical silence. But of course, I’ve been gathering a lot of information, right? I have acquired a lot of information. There’s nothing here that’s opinion.

[David]: Former prosecutor Néstor Humberto Martínez answers several questions.

Credits

La Ruta del Sol is a podcast by Central, the series channel of Radio Ambulante Studios, and is part of the My Cultura podcast network from iHeart Radio.

Reporting and production for this episode were done by me, David Trujillo, and Stan Alcorn. The lead editor is Camila Segura, with additional editing by Daniel Alarcón, Silvia Viñas, and Eliezer Budasoff. Eliezer is the project manager. Fact-checking is by Bruno Scelza and Sergio Sebastián Retavisca. Camilo Vallejo handled legal review. Sound design and mixing are by Martín Cruz, with original music by Andrés Nusser. The graphic design and art direction for the series are by Diego Corzo.

Product development for La Ruta del Sol was led by Natalia Ramírez. Digital production was done by Nelson Rauda and Óscar Luna, with support from Lina Rincón and Samantha Proaño from the Radio Ambulante Studios audience team.

La Ruta del Sol was recorded at Fiona Records.

Many thanks to Ruti Smithline, Mark Pieth, and Mike Koehler for contributing their expertise to this investigation.

At iHeart, the executive producers are Arlene Santana and Leo Gomez.

We want to thank FLIP for its valuable support in the legal review of this production and for its security advice.

Carolina Guerrero is the executive producer of Central and the CEO of Radio Ambulante Studios.

You can follow us on social media as central podcast RA and subscribe to our newsletter at centralpodcast.audio.

 I’m David Trujillo. Thank you for listening.

Episode 7 | The Conspirator

El conspirador

[David Trujillo]: In the previous episode…

[Néstor Humberto Martínez]: Before he died, Jorge Enrique Pizano was poisoned—poisoned with hatred toward the person of the Attorney General of the Nation. And from the time when Jorge Enrique Pizano and I were close friends, I became his executioner.

[David]: Néstor Humberto Martínez, the then Attorney General of the Nation, publicly stated in his speech to Congress that he was the victim of an international conspiracy involving journalists, senators, a former government official, and even U.S. authorities. Journalist Iván Serrano didn’t understand how the Attorney General was using that information to claim there was such a conspiracy.

[Iván Serrano]: How did Mr. Martínez Neira know about the conversations between a source and their journalist, and moreover, used them wrongfully, as he used them in Congress, in an intimidating way. And one would say: How did he… how did he find out?

[David]: In the debate organized by three senators on November 27, 2018 to explain the tangled issue of Odebrecht, the then Attorney General of the Nation arrived unexpectedly to respond to the accusations against him. During his speech, he talked about a very important character in this story and in Jorge Enrique Pizano’s story.

[Néstor Humberto]: Mr. Luis Fernando Andrade, director of the ANI during the contracting of Ruta del Sol, has insisted on the theory that I am persecuting him.

[David]: Luis Fernando Andrade was the director of the National Infrastructure Agency, the ANI, the government entity that plans, contracts, and executes this type of megaprojects. Like Jorge Enrique, he had been a source for journalist María Jimena Duzán in her investigation of Odebrecht and Ruta del Sol. You’ll understand this better later, but he ended up being investigated by the Attorney General’s Office for allegedly favoring Odebrecht in a Ruta del Sol II contract.

During his speech, Martínez said that Andrade, in an effort to avoid this alleged persecution by his Attorney General’s Office, had decided to orchestrate what he called…

[Néstor Humberto]: The most shameful conspiracy process against Colombian justice in history.

[David]: And to prove it, he started by playing an audio that the Attorney General’s Office had presented at a hearing a year earlier. It was a call between Andrade and his cousin, who at that time was the president of the Inter-American Development Bank.

[Néstor Humberto]: In his dialogue with Mr. Andrade he says the following: Say what needs to be done. On one hand, whatever you need me to help you with. On the other hand, you have to fight back a bit in the media, otherwise it will be hard. 

[David]: It’s not very clear, but in that call the cousin recommended that Andrade speak with the media. That’s when, according to Martínez, journalist María Jimena Duzán joined the conspiracy, in order to help Andrade publicize the alleged persecution by the Attorney General’s Office.

But that wasn’t the only thing Martínez mentioned in his speech regarding the conspiracy. He also talked about a private meeting between Andrade and Gustavo Petro, one of the senators who called for the debate. He said they met at Andrade’s house and even named the neighborhood where it was located.

[Néstor Humberto]: But I’m surprised by Senator Petro, who met with Andrade, by the way, to prepare this investigation, as people all around the Rosales neighborhood are saying.  All around the Rosales neighborhood they say  you met with Andrade as part of Andrade’s conspiracy, talking with Senator Petro. Ah!

[David]: Martínez also said that Andrade planned to report him to U.S. authorities.

[Néstor Humberto]: And how they’ve done it! My American lawyer friends, which are many, tell me that what has been invested in this is worth millions of dollars.

[David]: Millions of dollars that, supposedly, had been paid to a U.S. House of Representatives member and a private intelligence agency.

Andrade, whom I spoke with for this story, was watching the debate on television. This is him.

[Luis Fernando Andrade]: This Mr. Martínez went to the Senate and accused me of having created expectations for Pizano that he could get help from American justice, and that not having received help, that’s what had led him into a state of desperation that ended, well, with his death.

[David]: And Martínez went further in explaining the alleged conspiracy.

[Luis Fernando]: He also accused my wife of being a pamphleteer.

[Néstor Humberto]: Doña Teresa, the wife of this Mr.  Andrade began to play a fundamental role in the halls of the United States Congress, with a pamphleteering attitude, damaging the integrity of the Attorney General of the Nation.

[David]: Andrade’s wife, Teresa Chevres, went to Law school in the United States. She remembers she was listening to the debate while driving when Martínez called her a pamphleteer. And she, who is Puerto Rican, didn’t know that word.

[Teresa Chevres]: I had never heard it. I mean, when I tried to understand it, but I don’t get what the problem is with that. What’s the problem with one defending a loved one, a family member with authorities in another country. I mean, sorry. I mean I don’t see what the problem is.

[Luis Fernando]: Well, for my wife this process has been as terrible as for me. All of this has had huge implications on our family life. And well, she has taken very seriously her role of helping me in the defense. One of the things she did was go to the U.S. Congress and seek to be heard by congresspeople who might be interested in what was happening to me, what was happening in Colombia.

[David]: And in the midst of what Martínez called a conspiracy, according to what he said in that debate in Congress, and thanks to that private intelligence agency they had hired, they had achieved something key.

[Néstor Humberto]: a meeting with the FBI this past October 16th, where Jorge Enrique delivered recordings.

[Teresa]: The fact that he knew I had been in Washington, that he knew about the FBI meetings and other… I mean, there I really felt like… I felt like the rug was pulled out from under me. I felt totally defenseless.

[Luis Fernando]: What that made me feel, well, was much more anger and much more fear than I already had, because well, it was clear that the man who controlled the Attorney General’s Office in the country and who looked after the interests of powerful men, was accusing me of being a great conspirator against justice.

[Teresa]: Basically I took it, and Luis did too, as a threat, and this time as a serious threat.

[David]: Martínez was indeed very well informed about many things… And that was the doubt that journalists Iván Serrano and María Jimena Duzán had been left with after the debate: how did Néstor Humberto Martínez have so much information. But then they realized that the Attorney General’s Office had conducted an inspection of the Pizano house a week earlier and had taken several of Jorge Enrique’s belongings.

[Iván]: Later, when you know they went to Jorge Enrique’s house and took the cell phones, you know… these gentlemen have judicial police, they can intercept, they can do whatever they want…

[María Jimena Duzán]: When I realized that, I said ah, ok, the information that the Attorney General’s Office obtained for the debate was obtained from all the information and documents collected from the late Jorge Enrique Pizano and his son. But sure enough, that body of evidence hadn’t been useful to be a part of the process, because he didn’t present it.

[David]: And among the information published by the then Attorney General in the debate, as we already know, were the conversations between María Jimena and Jorge Enrique.

[María Jimena]: And we did talk a lot about Luis Fernando Andrade, because he thought that exactly what had happened to Andrade was going to happen to him: that they were going to put him in jail for 15 crimes.

[David]: From Central Series and Radio Ambulante Studios, this is La Ruta del Sol.

I’m David Trujillo. Episode 7: The Conspirator.

Luis Fernando Andrade appeared just in the last stage of Jorge Enrique Pizano’s story, when, desperate, he was trying to find options to shield himself from possible indictment by the Attorney General’s Office. That’s why he sought him out, because Andrade’s situation was very similar to his.

So… Andrade is an industrial engineer with two citizenships, Colombian and American. He worked most of his life in the private sector until 2011, when the new government of Juan Manuel Santos hired the company he worked for to advise them on some management issues. Andrade had done some consulting in the public sector, but he hadn’t been so involved in the country’s political arena and didn’t fully understand what his acquaintances were telling him. This is Andrade again.

[Luis Fernando]: In Colombia people do tell you that politics and government are very dark, very corrupt worlds. That hadn’t been my personal experience. I had always worked with very professional, very serious people, I never saw any type of corruption. So, really, I thought it was an exaggeration.

[David]: In fact, the more he began to understand how the government worked, the more interested he became in working for the country. That’s why, when they offered him to stay there to help create and lead a new entity, the idea appealed to him… but not to his closest people.

[Luis Fernando]: And in fact everyone I trust told me not to join the government. My mother told me. My best friends told me. And unfortunately I didn’t listen. And I ended up joining the government. Yes.

[David]: His wife, Teresa, respected that decision.

[Teresa]: How our relationship works, it’s not that… he doesn’t forbid me things, I don’t forbid him things, I mean, I think we do everything as a team. I felt, I understood how he felt. And I agreed that if one did everything by the book, if one kept a record of everything, well then it was going to be fine.

[David]: The entity that Andrade led is called the National Infrastructure Agency, the ANI. The idea, as he explains, was to attract foreign private capital for infrastructure development in the country, and for that, they had to set up a very robust system with clear rules to plan, contract, and execute megaprojects without leaving room for corruption.

In that process of creating the ANI, Andrade learned about La Ruta del Sol, one of the largest infrastructure projects being built in the country at that time and which had been awarded two years earlier, in Álvaro Uribe’s government.

Andrade told me that another of the objectives in his work was to prioritize some important roads to improve them, and one of those was directly connected to Ruta del Sol. According to what he explained, in Colombia additions can be made to that type of contract of up to half the initial value, so from the ANI he began to manage the planning of that additional section in Ruta del Sol II, which is known as the Ocaña-Gamarra section. Remember that name well.

Andrade also told me that the Government asked the same consortium of Odebrecht and Grupo Aval that was already building Ruta del Sol II, to study the feasibility of that additional section. For him it made sense, because, in addition to the fact that they were the ones operating in the area and that saved costs, both were prestigious companies with abundant funds. 

[Luis Fernando]: That Odebrecht-Grupo Aval structure gave me a lot of peace of mind, gave the Government a lot of peace of mind, and gave the financial sector in general a lot of peace of mind.

[David]: The planning of that section, just the planning, was done between 2012 and 2014.

In fact, among the conditions to do the project it was clear that first they had to have the approval of the most important institutions and the agencies that define the country’s fiscal policy.

Furthermore, the strategic and economic importance of the project was discussed in a CONPES, National Council of Economic and Social Policy, a meeting in which the President of the Republic, his ministers and directors of important entities review, adjust and decide key public policies for the country’s development, like this additional section of Ruta del Sol II.

And it’s worth clarifying that Néstor Humberto Martínez, who at that time was Minister of the Presidency, was at that CONPES. His name appears third in the document, right below the president and vice president. But, at that time, Martínez didn’t mention that two years earlier, in 2012, he had been hired by the Ruta del Sol II consortium to give a legal opinion on whether the Ocaña-Gamarra section could be done with an addition to the initial contract. The legal opinion was that it wasn’t necessary, because it could be understood that the section was part of the object of that contract.

Up to that point, for Andrade everything looked good, until investigations into Odebrecht’s corruption in Brazil began and then, in 2016, U.S. authorities confirmed the corrupt system they had set up on the continent.

Very quickly the investigations by Colombian authorities focused on La Ruta del Sol II, and it became known, through testimonies of captured people, that the contract was obtained through a multimillion-dollar bribe.

From that moment Andrade knew that he had to give explanations, especially about the Ocaña-Gamarra section.

[Luis Fernando]: My God, that’s a contract that’s under ANI’s custody, right? I’m the head of ANI. The first thing I did was make myself available to American justice and Colombian justice. And from then on, well, what was my, my attitude? Well, to deliver all possible information to them and make the decisions that would protect Colombia’s national patrimony. 

[David]: Among those decisions that Andrade mentions, the ANI negotiated the termination of the Ruta del Sol II contract, and asked the authorities to annul it so that the contractors wouldn’t take more money than they invested. And, according to Andrade, that caused him many problems with those who were building the megaproject.

[Luis Fernando]: That, well, was going to cost Grupo Aval a lot of money, it was going to cost Odebrecht a lot of money, but those were the logical consequences of having obtained a contract by paying bribes.

[David]: Finally, two years later, an arbitration tribunal would end up agreeing with the ANI and would declare the contract null.

But before that happened, in mid-2017, Andrade received a call he didn’t expect.

[Luis Fernando]: I remember I was at the Rionegro airport, in Medellín, and I don’t know if I was getting on or off the plane. What I do remember is that I was on the tarmac, and I get a call from a journalist asking me what I think of the news. And I wonder what news. And he tells me that you’re going to be indicted.

[David]: Indicted by the Attorney General’s Office for allegedly favoring Odebrecht and giving them the Ocaña-Gamarra section contract.

[Luis Fernando]: And at that moment, the truth is, I was very confused, right? Because well, going from being a person who promoted transparency in the sector to being a person accused of corruption and I didn’t really understand why. Yes, it was very, very terrible, very confusing.

[David]: We’ll be right back.

We’re back at La Ruta del Sol.

Luis Fernando Andrade resigned from the ANI in August 2017. He didn’t think he should continue leading the entity with so many questions hanging over him and preferred to focus on dealing with his legal issues. 

[Luis Fernando]: I remained reassured thinking that maybe it was going to be tough for some time, but that an explanation would come. 

[David]: The news came out very quickly in the media.

[Reporter]: At about ten in the morning Luis Fernando Andrade arrived at the Paloquemao judicial complex. Amid a cloud of journalists who were waiting for him, the former ANI director stressed his interest in cooperating with justice and reaffirmed his innocence.

[Luis Fernando]: I’ve  come to appear before the authorities, as I should, and I’ll make statements later. Well, my innocence is clear and that’s what I’ve come here to prove. 

[Reporter]: The Attorney General’s Office will charge him with the crime of improper interest in the awarding of contracts for the construction of the Ocaña-Gamarra road, which was awarded to the multinational Odebrecht.

[David]: To sustain that indictment, the Attorney General’s Office mainly relied on two testimonies: that of a senator and that of a former ANI official, who received benefits and regained his freedom in exchange of providing information. Both witnesses received bribes from Odebrecht to influence the Government’s decision to approve the additional section. And, according to the Attorney General’s Office, they received help from Andrade. 

He never denied that he had met with the witness senator. 

[Luis Fernando]: Because he was a very important senator at the time. I think he’s the third with the highest vote count at that time. And he was part of the Infrastructure Committee, to which I had to report. And, in his first statement before the Supreme Court, he said that he did fulfill his obligations to the Brazilians by organizing meetings showing the benefits of the project, etc., but he never talked about bribes or anything improper inside the ANI.

[David]: The Attorney General’s Office showed some text messages as evidence of that relationship between Andrade and the witnesses.

[Luis Fernando]: The Attorney General’s Office showed many text messages, but those texts weren’t with me, those texts were among them and, what they showed was how they were trying to obtain some kind of information from the ANI or say they could get meetings with me to then talk with the Brazilians and charge them for handling things. 

[David]: In one of those chats between those involved in the bribes, they referred to a person with the initials LFA who was charging for management. But in that conversation nothing else was clarified, neither what they meant by that management nor who they’re really talking about.

From the very beginning the Attorney General’s Office was requesting Andrade’s arrest. The peace of mind he initially had was fading, he was very afraid of ending up in prison.

[Luis Fernando]: The problem is once you’re in a prison detention center, then the Attorney General’s Office really has influence and the dark hands that were behind this, have the capacity to pressure you. In prison one is very defenseless. Very much at the mercy of what other prisoners or some corrupt authorities want to do to harm you.

[David]: Teresa, his wife, felt something similar.

[Teresa]: I was very afraid that he would end up in prison. I was very afraid, because I think Luis is very, very strong, but I think a prison can destroy anyone, no matter how good the prison is. I really thought that could destroy him.

[David]: Teresa remembers there were close people who suggested a plan to avoid prison: accept a charge, some small responsibility, even if it wasn’t true. The idea was to reach an agreement with justice to reduce the possible sentence. But Teresa knew they couldn’t do that.

[Teresa]: Under no circumstances. That goes against his moral fiber, his person. This is until the end, but no, I’m not going to ask him to admit doing things he didn’t do. One should never do that. That’s like a very, very basic mistake.

[David]: And that’s why, from the first moment, Teresa, who had studied law although she didn’t practice, decided to help him in his defense. Not as an official lawyer, but collecting information, investigating, talking to people.

[Teresa]: I think it was automatic. I mean, I don’t know if it was rational or what, but it was like automatic. I love him. We’re together. We’re a team. I think I studied law because I really, I hate injustices. So I like, I mean, as a hobby, as a pastime, I like doing research. So well, they also found a retired lawyer who loves research. This was served to me on a silver platter.

[David]: According to Andrade, the first argument of his defense was that this crime of improper contract interest didn’t make sense because it was the Government itself – the president and his cabinet assembled – that confirmed the importance of that additional section. Furthermore, a businessman involved in Odebrecht’s corruption said that Andrade didn’t receive money for that and the Attorney General’s Office also couldn’t confirm that other bribes had entered the ANI, besides the one received by that former official who gave the testimony.

[Luis Fernando]: But to the extent that, well, it was becoming evident that this matter had no basis, then they kept pinning more and more crimes on me, right? There they accused me of having tampered with information we sent to the Attorney General’s Office. They accused me saying that the contract couldn’t legally be signed, that this type of addition was illegal, so it’s another type of crime. Anyway and there they kept adding crimes. With a sentence, well I mean… if they convict me I’ll be in prison until I die. I see that as the frustration of not finding a way to get me, basically, and throwing in more and more crimes to see which one they can convict me with, right?

[David]: Andrade felt they were bringing the full weight down on him. 

[Luis Fernando]: My perception at the time and it continues to be the perception today, is that the Attorney General’s Office made a decision that they had to convict me as a scapegoat and I think largely to avoid investigating the people who should have been investigated.

[David]: At the arraignment hearing, Andrade pleaded not guilty to the crimes of improper interest in contract award, concealment of evidence, and perjury. This is what he said at that hearing.

[Luis Fernando]: I am not the Odebrecht man that the Attorney General’s Office has tried to portray here. Quite the contrary: as president of the ANI and working with the organization’s instances we signed the Ocaña-Gamarra addendum to save the nation resources in doing a project that is  extremely important for the country and we prevented any money from claims from being paid to the firm Ruta del Sol SAS whose main shareholder is Odebrecht.

[David]: Teresa and Andrade also decided to tell U.S. authorities what was happening. Not only because he was a citizen in that country, but because the investigations there had opened the Odebrecht case internationally.

[Teresa]: We wanted the different authorities in the United States: the Department of Justice and the Securities and Exchange Commission, the FBI, to know the things Luis had done and those he hadn’t done and what his intentions had been. And the same with some people in the House and Senate. It was like having them informed, just in case. Like a non-specific form, but in general of protection.

[David]: And following his cousin’s recommendation to take the case to the media, Luis Fernando contacted María Jimena Duzán to investigate what was happening. That’s how, initially, she came to this topic of Odebrecht, Grupo Aval and Ruta del Sol.

For María Jimena it was very unjust that the heads who managed the bribes weren’t being investigated…

[María Jimena]: And yes, they moved way forward to accuse only one person, who was Luis Fernando Andrade, who neither received nor ordered any bribes. His case is dramatically unjust. I mean, without any proportion at all. It has nothing to do with justice and has to do with justice’s decision to choose the person in the chain who was apparently the weakest to pile all the crimes on him, all the crimes, of which none can be proven, to somehow show that justice had worked.

[David]: Around that same time, in mid-2017, they arrested the head of the Anti-Corruption Unit of the Attorney General’s Office. It was very paradoxical that the person the Attorney General put in charge of leading the investigations of the biggest corruption cases in the country ended up convicted of receiving bribes to manipulate legal processes of very powerful figures. Shortly after, he was extradited to the United States for receiving a bribe in that country.

[David]: His name is Luis Gustavo Moreno. He already served a sentence of just over four years, so I got in touch with him. At first he was very willing to talk, but when I gave him the details of the investigation I was doing, he stopped responding and blocked me.

But he did give María Jimena an interview in 2021, when he had just been deported from the United States but was still serving his sentence in a prison in Colombia. There he told her some things about the Odebrecht case, one of many that he was in charge of. 

[María Jimena]: And as Gustavo Moreno himself told me in an interview, already from prison: that he had been placed there to protect those who needed to be protected in the Odebrecht scandal, not to do justice.

[David]: This is a part of that interview that María Jimena published on her YouTube channel.

[María Jimena]: You told me they appointed you to do favors.

[Luis Gustavo Moreno]: To run errands, yes.

[María Jimena]: But what kind of errands?

[Luis Gustavo]: Judicial hit man. And to be a bulletproof vest for some and to screw others. And that wasn’t behind Néstor Humberto’s back, María Jimena. This was in line with Néstor Humberto, of course.

[David]: And for that judicial hit man job, as Moreno calls it, he said that, among other things, he himself had chosen the prosecutor who led the investigations in the Odebrecht case, whose name is Amparo Cerón, to follow orders, to protect those who had paid the bribes. This is another part of the interview María Jimena did with the former anti-corruption prosecutor.

[Luis Gustavo]: Even if they say that, that, that no, that the prosecutor has been there for a longtime and has a long career, I appointed the prosecutor, the resolution, even if they issued subsequent resolutions, it is Gustavo Moreno who creates the transnational corruption group and designates prosecutors who had that profile.

[David]: Among those prosecutors who worked in prosecutor Cerón’s group in the Odebrecht case was Daniel Hernández. Some time later Hernández would be put on trial for allegedly stopping three arrest warrants that he himself requested against the heads of Odebrecht in Colombia and for threatening one of the key witnesses in the case. At the close of this publication that trial continues.

But in mid-2025, Hernández gave a statement to Andrade’s lawyers for his process. They recorded that statement and this is the first time it’s being published.

[Investigator]: Can you tell me your full name?

[Daniel Hernández]: Daniel Ricardo Hernández Martínez.

[David]: Hernández said that in the meetings the team had to show progress in the investigations. They talked about Andrade. And that when he asked prosecutor Cerón why they should indict him if it seemed there was nothing incriminating against him, she didn’t like it.

[Daniel]: She would get upset, that is not good, not good, that, I was meddling in her OACS, that why would I know then if he had it or didn’t have it, that I had no reason to know what she… sorry. Always apologizing: prosecutor Cerón, excuse me.

[Lawyer]: But, regarding the indictment, Mr. Daniel, did you know what was the reason or fundamental reasons why the Attorney General’s Office, and in this case led by the prosecutor, well, charged Dr. Luis Fernando Andrade with crimes for these facts related to Odebrecht?

[Daniel]: If you ask me about the legal reasons I don’t know them. I never knew them, I never knew of their existence… From what I investigated, I never saw material evidence that, at least, within reasonable inference, generated any kind of indication of responsibility for Dr. Luis Fernando Andrade.

[David]: According to Hernández, he himself spoke with some of the witnesses the Attorney General’s Office had against Andrade and they never implicated him in acts of corruption. Not even three of the heads of Odebrecht in Colombia, whom Hernández also interviewed in Brazil for the investigation of the entire case, spoke badly of Andrade.

[Daniel]: I can assure you I asked those three about Mr. Andrade and all three stated in unison that this had nothing to do with Mr. Andrade, that nothing corrupt, nothing irregular.

I’ve never met r. Luis Fernando Andrade. I don’t know him, right? All I’ve heard about that man are wonderful things. But yes, he became a target for a woman who couldn’t get him out of her head, I don’t understand why. I don’t know why.

[David]: Prosecutor Amparo Cerón was removed from the Odebrecht case in 2020 for not moving forward with the investigations and ended up resigning from the Attorney General’s Office. I also tried to contact her but she didn’t respond. She has barely spoken publicly about this topic, except for a couple of interviews she gave to Semana magazine in which she said she did deliver results in that investigation.

[Amparo Cerón]: I heard many journalists saying “but that prosecutor hasn’t done anything, she didn’t do anything. So look: seven sentences in the Odebrecht case, Four principles of prosecutorial discretion, one plea agreement and around… I may be wrong on the number, five arraignment hearings and imposition of requested pretrial measures (FADE).

[David]: María Jimena insists that the intention wasn’t to solve the case.

[María Jimena]: I mean, it was a biased investigation, directed to find a scapegoat who was the one they had chosen to demonstrate that justice did work, who was Luis Fernando Andrade. But those same prosecutors led by her were incapable of catching and capturing any of the executives, the high executives of Odebrecht who stayed here for months without any trouble and who were able to leave from El Dorado airport easily. She let them leave. But not only her, but by order, well, of her higher-ups.

[David]: But as things keep on happening in this story, prosecutor Cerón had a very serious accident in Chile in October 2018, two years before retiring.

[Reporter]: The accident occurred when the official was traveling in a vehicle with her family during her vacation period. The high official is in a medical center in Santiago, Chile where she remains in intensive care.

[David]: She survived and woke up from a coma ten days later, but lost vision in her left eye. Although Chilean authorities left it as a car accident and didn’t investigate further, Cerón has maintained that it could have been an attack as retaliation for her investigations around the Odebrecht case, but hasn’t given details about this. She only said in the Semana interview that she would talk about the subject before Colombian justice when an investigation is opened about it.

[Amparo Cerón]: An investigation was initiated there. I understand they filed it. But if they open it here in Colombia, well they’ll call me and I would prefer to discuss the situation in that sort of context. 

[David]: A pause and we’ll be back…

We’re back at La Ruta del Sol.

December 2017. It had been four months since the process against Luis Fernando Andrade had started and the judiciary had already made a decision.

[Reporter]: A judge with the function of overseeing procedural guarantees ordered house arrest for the former president of the National Infrastructure Agency Luis Fernando Andrade for his alleged participation in the distribution of Odebrecht bribes, and charges him with perjury and improper contract interest.

[David]: Teresa, Luis Fernando’s wife, already knew this process was going to be more difficult than they had thought at first, but it never ceased to surprise her.

[Teresa]: Well, I arrived home first when they… When they decreed house arrest for him. And then someone brought him at night and we looked at each other, and really, we… I mean we couldn’t believe what was happening. I mean, I really couldn’t believe it.

[David]: Andrade still wasn’t convicted, the process was going to continue, but now he couldn’t move from his house.

[Luis Fernando]: I could only go out to go to judicial hearings and, with prior permission, to any medical appointment I had. Now, that’s when a series of strange things also began to happen.

[David]: By that time, Andrade already suspected his phone was tapped and they were recording his conversations, like that one he had with his cousin.

[Luis Fernando]: And from there we learned another irregularity of how they obtained permission to record me. It turns out that the DEA issued a request to a judge to intercept some phone numbers related to this Odebrecht case topic. My phone number wasn’t among those numbers , but Mrs. Amparo Cerón tampered with one of the numbers so that my number would be intercepted. So she basically, well, committed fraud by altering a DEA document and taking it before a judge and that way being able to have recordings of my conversations.

[David]: I also contacted former prosecutor Cerón to clarify this interception issue for me, but, as I already said, she didn’t respond.

Andrade remembers that from the beginning of his house arrest, he noticed they weren’t only recording his calls.

[Luis Fernando]: We began to realize that there were things we talked about privately, my wife and I, in the apartment, and that then somehow became public knowledge, right? So the question is: How are they recording us?

[David]: He even remembers a visit that seemed very strange to him. It was the director of the prison he was assigned to, and he went to his house to tell him to cancel a phone interview with American journalists he was going to have the next day. Andrade didn’t accept, the judge in his case said there was no restriction for that. But the question was how the prison director had found out about that interview.

Teresa also began to notice something that seemed very strange to her in an apartment that was right across from theirs.

[Teresa]: In fact, I, I, I recorded it. I filmed it because I mean there was like, no one lived there, no one, but there were like colored lights, like if it were a nightclub and those colored lights were there all night. And I would lean out, take out binoculars but like I didn’t see people, I didn’t see a party.

[David]: Private investigators they hired to find out what was happening confirmed to them, without them having told them, that signals from devices to record conversations at a distance were coming from that building across. They also told them that only the State had that type of equipment and national security entities used them.

[Luis Fernando]: And a couple of times we found drones recording at the apartment windows, right? So, obviously there was a very big interest in knowing exactly what I was doing. But there were many situations that made it clear that someone very important high up in the State wanted to intimidate and silence me.

[David]: So they started taking precautions to avoid being recorded. They thought they had the capacity to know everything they were doing and it was better to prevent it. They even preferred not to talk to each other.

[Teresa]: We did a lot of writing things, like with a notepad, writing things. And we even made like a little fire and burned the papers, because I mean because of my age I remember the Watergate era, that they checked the trash too and well, I was paranoid. So yes, burning too. It was like a feeling of a lot of uncertainty, because the truth is we couldn’t… I mean, yes we could verify some things. Others were like the feeling.

[David]: But even so, Andrade continued with his plan to talk about his case with the media, even international ones.

[Luis Fernando]: One can’t let these things pass, you understand? Out of fear. Not that I wasn’t afraid, I was very afraid. But if one lets these things pass, then they get away with it, right? That’s why, every time they committed an irregular or criminal act, I talked about it not only with the media but also with the judge of the case.

[David]: In early 2018, when Andrade had been detained in his house for a couple of months and going to judicial hearings, he found out that someone was looking for him.

[Luis Fernando]: Through a mutual friend I learn that Mr. Jorge Enrique Pizano wants me to obtain some statements he made in the Ruta del Sol arbitration tribunal. So, basically he sends me word that he knows I have nothing to do with this matter and that  if I look into those statements, I will understand better what’s going on.”

[David]: Andrade didn’t know Jorge Enrique, but it caught his attention. When he inquired about those statements and documents, he realized that in the tribunal they were trying to find out how involved Grupo Aval was in the Ruta del Sol II corruption. For that, they had already summoned Jorge Enrique for having been controller of the project and he had given them the information on the irregular contracts he had collected over the years, including the recordings. At that time, remember, there were about eight months left before the scandal broke. When Andrade saw what he was referring to in what was in the tribunal, he was surprised.

[Luis Fernando]: There it became clear to me that the involvement in all this entanglement wasn’t unique to Odebrecht, but Grupo Aval or some Grupo Aval officials also participated. Until that moment I believed the version that they were also victims in this process. Of course, with Mr. Néstor Humberto Martínez being Grupo Aval’s trusted lawyer, and him being the one accusing me, and him being the head of the Attorney General’s Office, things begin to become clearer and clearer, right?

At that moment I was already quite scared, and then I find out, well, about everything Jorge Enrique Pizano told me, because I already knew I was considered an enemy, right? In the highest positions of the Attorney General’s Office and Grupo Aval.

[David]: Andrade didn’t physically meet with Jorge Enrique. It could be risky considering the possibility that they were both being watched. So, they decided it was better for Teresa to meet with him in another neutral place. It couldn’t be at either of their houses.

[Teresa]: At that moment, the curious thing was I still didn’t know if he really was a victim or if he had been sent to get information. I mean, it wasn’t clear, it wasn’t clear who he was.

[David]: But they realized that Jorge Enrique served as a witness for Andrade’s defense. His case was very similar, the same thing could happen to him. Teresa saw how bad off he was.

[Teresa]: He was very worried that they were following him and that something might happen to him. Something with his safety, I mean, something physical.

[Luis Fernando]: She did tell me that he was… that he feared for his life. He feared they would kill him. He was very worried about that. But he was someone very motivated to move forward.

[Teresa]: He wanted justice to be done. He wanted to be able to clear his name. As I understood it, it wasn’t only clearing his name to leave his reputation clean, but it was well in a society as small as Bogotá’s, so that his daughters and son wouldn’t have to live with, I don’t know, with “my dad was a criminal”. It was for the repercussions that could have for them in the future. I mean, for him that kind of thing was very important.

[Luis Fernando]: He was someone very committed to his family. He was in a very difficult situation, but he was fighting.

[David]: And because he wanted to fight, Jorge Enrique had also sought out Andrade, because he had access to U.S. authorities.

[Luis Fernando]: And so he asked me to help him because he was very afraid. And obviously he couldn’t have any confidence in Colombian justice, well, because the Attorney General’s Office was controlled by the person who was persecuting him, right? And I helped him get in touch with U.S. authorities.

[David]: In the next episode…

[Juanita Pizano]: His eyes welled up with tears. Then I started crying too from being nervous, because I no longer understood. I mean, the situation was already very tense and I said to him like: Where do we have to go now? Do we have to hide? What do we have to do? And he told me I don’t know anymore, we have to stay still.

[Carlos Barragán]: And he says that given the news with the Odebrecht case, they request special attention to the security and physical integrity of both Mr. Andrade and his family members, who inhabit the place of confinement.

[David]: Juanita, Jorge Enrique’s youngest daughter, found a crumpled card in her dad’s jacket pocket. That card was from an FBI agent.

Credits:

La Ruta del Sol is a podcast from Central, the series channel of Radio Ambulante Studios, and is part of the My Cultura podcast network from IHeart Radio.

The reporting and production of this episode were done by me, David Trujillo. The lead editor is Camila Segura, with additional editing by Daniel Alarcón, Silvia Viñas and Eliezer Budasoff. Eliezer is the project manager. Fact-checking is by Bruno Scelza and Sergio Sebastián Retavisca. Camilo Vallejo did the legal review. Sound design and mixing are by Martín Cruz, with original music by Andrés Nusser. The graphics and art direction for the series are by Diego Corzo.

Product development for La Ruta del Sol was led by Natalia Ramírez. Digital production was done by Nelson Rauda and Óscar Luna, with support from Lina Rincón and Samantha Proaño, from the Radio Ambulante Studios audience team.

La Ruta del Sol was recorded at Fiona Records.

At iHeart the executive producers are Arlene Santana and Leo Gomez.

We want to thank FLIP for their valuable support in the legal review of this production and their advice on security matters.

Carolina Guerrero is the executive producer of Central and the CEO of Radio Ambulante Studios.

You can follow us on social media as central podcast RA and subscribe to our email newsletter at centralpodcast.audio.

I’m David Trujillo. Thank you for listening.

Episode 6 | The debate

El debate

[David Trujillo]: In the previous episode, we heard how one of the unions from the Institute of Forensic Medicine denounced alleged irregularities surrounding the analysis of the evidence in the Pizano case. In the end, it turned out that the Institute’s director had, indeed, made at least one mistake: the brown stains on the towel were not blood.

But beyond the reliability of those analyses being questioned, a judge confirmed that the evidence collected by the Attorney General’s Office during the inspection of the Pizano home was not admissible in the investigation of the deaths—because the chain of custody hadn’t been respected, and they had kept the evidence longer than allowed by law.

It had been less than a month since the deaths of the Pizanos, and the sisters and their mother wanted no further involvement in the scandal it had all become. It was the top story in every newscast, and they preferred to leave things as they were—not to dig deeper. As we already know, because of all this, they agreed to let the thenAttorney General close the investigation.

[Juanita Pizano]: But it was also about keeping the peace with everyone, not causing more trouble. And… I think there was also a bit of fear. Fear of opening up a Pandora’s box—like, well, we don’t really know what happened in that investigation, and maybe we don’t want to know, because it could hurt us deeply.

[David]: They’d already been presented with the hypothesis of Jorge Enrique’s attempted suicide and Alejandro’s accidental death. It was too painful to even consider. So two weeks after the deaths, they boarded a plane to leave the country for a while.

[Juanita]: We left on November 27, and I remember being on the plane thinking, “Wow, something’s happening. Thank goodness we’re leaving.”

[David]: They chose not to pay much attention. After all, they were leaving the country. But at that same moment, on social media, people began talking about what was happening in Colombia’s Congress—where their father’s name was being mentioned.

[Jorge Enrique Robledo]: What changed in this story? What’s new? We all know: Jorge Enrique Pizano is what’s new in this story.

[David]: Three senators had organized a televised debate to explain to the country the complicated issue of Odebrecht.

[Gustavo Petro]: Today we know, thanks to Pizano and to the statement by Luis Bueno, a senior executive at Odebrecht, that Grupo Aval knew, from the very beginning, about the five acts and the five moments of bribery that I’ve described here.

[Angélica Lozano]: It’s been proven—at least by Mr. Pizano’s recordings—that  attorney Néstor Humberto had full knowledge of the illicit actions being committed by members of this consortium—his client, his friends.

[David]: Néstor Humberto Martínez, the then Attorney General, was under no obligation to attend that debate. It carried no judicial implications. And though no one expected him that evening…

[Ernesto Macías]: I ask the plenary session if it wishes to declare itself in permanent session.

[Senator]: Yes, Mr. President.

[Ernesto]: You have the floor, Dr. Néstor Humberto Martínez, Attorney General of the Nation.

[David]: Martínez arrived at that debate to explain the accusations against him: his conflicts of interest, his closeness to Grupo Aval and Odebrecht, his possible omission of corruption he already knew about, and his relationship with Jorge Enrique Pizano. He was ready to put up a fight.

From Central Series and Radio Ambulante Studios, this is La Ruta del Sol.

I’m David Trujillo. Episode 6: The Debate.

[David]: The debate in Congress took place on November 27, 2018, at 3 p.m. It was broadcast live on national television during prime time.

[Jorge Robledo]: Hello, hello. My warmest greetings to the Minister of the Interior, to the President of Congress, and to everyone gathered here… (FADE)

[David]: The first to speak was Senator Jorge Enrique Robledo, at the time a member of the opposition party Polo Democrático Alternativo. Only three months earlier, the new government of Iván Duque,of the right-wing Centro Democrático party,had taken office, and along with other pro-government parties, they held a majority in Congress. The then Attorney General was known to be close to some sectors of that ruling coalition.

When Robledo stood to deliver his speech, he was wearing a yellow tie —the color of his party— and in front of him, on the podium, he placed a poster with the hashtag #RenuncieFiscal (“Resign, Attorney General”).

[Jorge Robledo]: And this will probably be the first of these debates in which we finally have all the pieces of the puzzle. Let’s say that’s what’s truly new this time, because there’s new evidence—new evidence that formally links Grupo Aval and Corficolombiana to this corruption. (FADE)

[David]: Robledo was one of the first congressmen to denounce this case in Colombia. At first, he didn’t fully understand what had happened, but he dove head-first into investigating after a statement made by the then Attorney General, Néstor Humberto Martínez, in January 2017—more than a year before the Pizano deaths.

Just two weeks earlier, the Odebrecht scandal had erupted with the publication of an investigation in the United States and Attorney General Martínez had already announced publicly that there was nothing illegal about one of the business deals the Brazilian conglomerate had  in Colombia —other than  Ruta del Sol II.

I spoke with former Senator Robledo for this story. This is him:

[Jorge Robledo]: What got me involved in the debate was Néstor Humberto’s behavior. Because this guy—if supposedly nothing was known yet—took very limited information, did what he did, and absolved everyone. So he closed every door. And I said, “Wait, what?” I told my staff, “Heads up, everyone dig into this.” I had a very good team at the office, you know? And we said, “No, no, there’s something shady here” as we say in Colombia. Because on what grounds does he go out there absolving everyone?

[David]: During his investigation, Robledo and his team learned that Grupo Aval was also involved in that business deal, and that the law firm of which Néstor Humberto Martínez had been a partner—and whose director was his own son—had legally advised the companies. Robledo told me he already knew who Martínez was: that he’d been active in politics for over 20 years, that he’d served as Minister of the Presidency under Juan Manuel Santos, that he was close to the vice president of that administration, and that he was a well-known commercial lawyer.

[Jorge Robledo]: He had a very successful career and ended up becoming a very important man to Luis Carlos Sarmiento. That opened the door for him to all kinds of businesses—always very controversial. He always stirred up debate and stuff because of the way he was.

[David]: Robledo also confirmed in his investigation that Martínez had been hired as a consulting attorney for Ruta del Sol II.

[Jorge Robledo]: That really caught my attention. I thought, wait,this guy handles deals worth astronomical sums, and he resigns to become Attorney General? I’m just speculating here, but one has to wonder if they’re putting in a “pocket Attorney General” for Luis Carlos Sarmiento. It’s obvious that the people in that business, Odebrecht on one side and Sarmiento on the other,were deeply concerned about how things would unfold, especially with the Americans involved, saying, “Someone’s head has to roll.”

[David]: For Robledo, it was crystal clear that Attorney General Martínez could not be investigating the business dealings of his former boss—deals he had participated in as a lawyer.

That’s why, from the very moment he began debating the corruption of Odebrecht and Grupo Aval at the Senate, he also criticized what Martínez was doing—or, rather, not doing—from the General Attorney’s  Office. And he always demanded the same thing: that Martínez resign. For Robledo, it wasn’t enough for him to merely recuse himself from the specific case.

After speaking about it in the media for over a year and after two Senate debates, came the deaths of the Pizanos and Noticias Uno’s revelation of the recording that implicated the Attorney General. The scandal, as we know, became huge. Robledo was shocked.

[Jorge Robledo]: Of course—totally shocked, like every Colombian. What Pizano did is what made the whole thing blow up, because suddenly things became much more serious. The things Néstor Humberto said in those recordings were deeply incriminating.

[David]: That’s why, along with two other senators, he decided to call for  this November 27 debate to explain to the country what was happening. It wouldn’t be easy—the odds were against them. As we said, the ruling coalition held the majority, and Attorney General Martínez was close to some of those factions. 

Even so, the opposition saw this moment as the right one to capture public attention—especially because, as Robledo said, there was a new ingredient in the scandal: everything Jorge Enrique Pizano had exposed.

[Jorge Robledo]: The corruption in Ruta del Sol wasn’t exposed by Néstor Humberto—it was exposed by Pizano. Despite Néstor Humberto and all of Grupo Aval standing in his way—and Odebrecht standing in his way. The Attorney General’s Office barely managed, based on those investigations, to say, “Well, other than  theft, there were also bribes.” But that isn’t really thanks to Attorney General Martínez. He covered up everything about Ruta del Sol—that’s clear. There’s more than enough proof of it.

[David]: And in the end, after speaking for nearly an hour, Robledo once again demanded the same thing of Martínez: that he resign, and that a new shortlist be sent to the Supreme Court of Justice to appoint a new Attorney General.

[Jorge Robledo]: And let’s hope that this next Attorney General won’t have the tricks, the connections, or the cunning of Martínez Neira. It’ll be up to all of us, Colombians united. If we mobilize as we should, we can start to defeat the corruption that has taken hold of Colombia. Thank you very much.

[David]: The next speaker was Gustavo Petro —Colombia’s current president— who at the time was a senator for the Colombia Humana party.

[Gustavo Petro]: I’ll begin the debate with this chart, which I hope can be shown on the television screen.

[David]: It was hard to grasp at first glance, but it was essentially made up of color-coded tables with notes on what was known up to that point about the Odebrecht case in Colombia. There were figures on the bribes, and names of people and companies involved. It was an attempt to visually explain the whole web of the case.

[Gustavo Petro]: And from here you can see the entire picture, let’s say, of what’s known up to now about the Odebrecht/Sarmiento issue and its connections with the State.

[David]: But although he explained it in detail during his one-hour speech,  Petro clarified that that picture was incomplete. Not even with Jorge Enrique Pizano and the irregular contracts he found which were the newest link in this chain of events, did we have the full picture.

[Gustavo Petro]: And the one who might  know everything that happened—Odebrecht—won’t say it, won’t confess it. That’s why this chart represents, for now, all that we have.

[David]: At the end of his speech, Petro—unlike Robledo—didn’t demand that Attorney General Martínez resign. Instead, he asked the Supreme Court to appoint what is known as an ad hoc prosecutor. It was a legal strategy to select someone who would be exclusively dedicated to investigating a case in which the Attorney General clearly had conflicts of interest—like this one, the Odebrecht corruption case.

[Gustavo Petro]: So that we no longer have just political oversight like this, but a serious judicial investigation that would lead to the individuals responsible for receiving the bribes, since we do know who paid for them in Colombia. Thank you, Mr. President. Very kind.

[David]: At that moment, the television broadcast of the debate was interrupted for a national address by President Duque to speak about the first 111 days of his administration. The senators agreed to pause the debate until the live broadcast could resume.

[David]: About twenty minutes later, the  national broadcast returned to the congressional debate.

[Ernesto Macías]: Senators, thank you for keeping quiet…

[David]: Then it was Senator Angélica Lozano’s turn, from the Alianza Verde party.

[Ernesto]: Senator Angélica Lozano has the floor.

[Angélica Lozano]: Thank you, Mr. President. My speech, on behalf of the Alianza Verde party, is titled: Who does the crime, does the time in Colombia? 

[David]: Lozano said that all over this Odebrecht case there was what she called a very complex institutional labyrinth that made it difficult to reach justice, to reach the truth, and to ensure public money wasn’t lost.

[Angélica Lozano]: The justice system is upside down because there’s a hot potato being tossed from side to side, and nothing gets clarified.

[David]: According to Lozano, one of the strongest obstacles in that institutional labyrinth was the Attorney General. The conflicts of interest that have been mentioned so many times.

[Angélica Lozano]: Néstor Humberto knew what he was going to the Attorney General’s Office to do: to cover up, to block, to protect, to guarantee impunity for the richest man in Colombia, his boss or his friend, a very close relationship, in addition to his political entourage.

[David]: And in an unexpected moment, nearly three hours into the debate, the chamber began to stir.

[Angélica Lozano]: The bell, Mr. President.

[David]: Lozano had to pause her address

[Ernesto]: Silence, please.

[David]: Lozano took a sip of water and greeted the newcomer who sat right in front of her.

[Angélica Lozano]: Welcome, Mr. Attorney General.

[David]: Martínez had arrived, unexpectedly, at the Senate plenary. No one was expecting him. Not even Senator Robledo, who had so many times told him to come.

[Jorge Robledo]: I had invited him to all the debates—he always dodged them. And this time he showed up. So I thought, well, it’s great that he came. I was actually very pleased, because debates in Colombia follow a certain format: those who called the debate get to close it.

[David]: Martínez would only speak once. Robledo and his colleagues would listen to everything he said and then be able to respond to him right there.

A break, and we’ll be right back.

We’re back on La Ruta del Sol.

With Néstor Humberto Martínez now seated before her, Senator Lozano continued, saying that in other countries the institutional labyrinth had been overcome and justice had reached the highest levels of power. And to achieve the same in Colombia, she proposed that the government allow a special international mission to resolve the Odebrecht case.

[Angélica Lozano]: A special UN mission, directly from the United Nations,with its head appointed by the UN Secretary-General. Special in nature. It’s temporary. A temporary measure. Two years. that could be extended for another two. What is its role? And pay attention to the verbs: to support, to support, and to collaborate in the technical and scientific investigation of the Odebrecht case.

[David]: At the end of her speech, Lozano addressed Martínez directly.

[Angélica Lozano]: Mr. Attorney General: resign. If you do the crime, you do the time. And you must pay.

[David]: After an intervention by the then Minister of the Interior, Martínez stood up from his seat and walked to the podium. He carefully arranged the pages of the speech he was about to read and switched glasses.

[Ernesto]: You have the floor, Dr. Néstor Humberto Martínez, Attorney General of the Nation.

[Néstor Humberto]: Thank you very much, Mr. President. Honorable senators, honorable senators who have called the debate.  

[David]: He said that, from the outset, he wanted to make something clear: as we’ve mentioned, it was very unusual for an Attorney General to appear there. The law didn’t require it. But he had decided to attend as a citizen.

[Néstor Humberto]: And that’s why I have to come: for my honor, for the defense of my moral integrity, out of respect for the thousands of Colombians who have expressed their solidarity during these two infamous weeks… (FADE)

[David]: Martínez began defending himself from the attacks the senators had launched during their speeches—especially what Robledo had said.

[Néstor Humberto]: Because Senator Robledo now acts as inquisitor and strips any citizen of his morals, driven by the political motives that inspire him.

[David]: And he was prepared to talk about the recordings that so deeply incriminated him.

[Néstor Humberto]: Because some recordings were made public. Recordings made by my lifelong friend, Jorge Enrique Pizano, whom I welcomed into the intimate friendship of my home and his entire family.

[David]: The Pizano family didn’t watch the debate. As we said, they were on a flight leaving the country at that very moment. But Martínez’s claim of the friendship between them was something they would later have to hear  many times.

[Carolina]: What made me the angriest was hearing Néstor Humberto say he was our friend, that he was a friend. He wasn’t. For me, he was the father of one of Alejandro’s friends. But to say he was my dad’s close friend? No. I remember well, I think it was my dad’s fiftieth birthday, yes 50, —he threw a huge party  at home, his true  friends were there, and I never saw Néstor Humberto in those celebrations, not even at my brother’s wedding. A friend is someone who’s there. A friend is someone who, in those five years, would’ve sent a direct message. Everything was always through his son.

[David]: Yet Martínez kept insisting on that supposed closeness with Jorge Enrique.

[Néstor Humberto]: And he came to my law firm as a personal friend, asking me to help ensure his information reached the president of the organization, Luis Carlos Sarmiento Angulo. A task that I fulfilled.

[Juanita]: That conversation my dad recorded—maybe Néstor Humberto thought it took place within the bounds of friendship. But when you listen to it now, it’s clear they’re not friends, and it’s clear Néstor Humberto doesn’t care about my dad’s well-being.

[David]: On the contrary, Martínez seemed to believe that he had been so important to Jorge Enrique Pizano that Pizano was still watching over his wellbeing, even after death. He invoked him during his speech.

[Néstor Humberto]: Tonight, Jorge Enrique comes to the Senate chamber to take a stand—against slander, against insult, against lies, against falsehood.

[David]: He returned to the same argument he’d made in his interview with Caracol News: that when Jorge Enrique recorded their conversations, he hadn’t yet realized that what he’d uncovered amounted to bribery. Martínez read aloud a transcript of Pizano’s statement to an authority, in which Pizano said precisely that—he knew the contracts were odd, but he wasn’t sure they involved crimes.

[Néstor Humberto]: And I was supposed to know, back in 2015? Because I am the clairvoyant of the Colombian people? No. He insisted he didn’t know they were crimes.

[David]: After repeating in his speech that he had known of no crimes, Martínez moved on to defend how the Prosecutor’s Office handled the evidence collected during the inspection of the Pizano house.

[Néstor Humberto]: They say we went after the computers and hard drives. Where do they get such lies? It was the family—it was the family who handed over those pieces of evidence so we could investigate matters of interest from the victims’ standpoint.

[David]: But remember, according to  Jorge Enrique’s daughters, during that inspection they had clearly said this: 

[Carolina]: I remember he said:  they’re not going to take anything that isn’t related to the death. He was clearly referring to not taking documents. But they did take the hard drives and they took the security-camera recordings.

[David]: In his speech, Martínez went on talking about the family.

[Néstor Humberto]: Even though the family has stated twice, “We fully trust the Office of the Attorney General.” Oh, how it pains them to read that. How it bothers them that the family trusts the Office of the Attorney General.

[David]: But, as we’ve told before, for the daughters, in hindsight ,those statements supporting the Prosecutor’s Office resulted from being manipulated during the hardest moment of their lives.

[Carolina]: Of course, we fell completely for that manipulation. It was like yes, do what you have to do. Yes, do what you have to do. We couldn’t think straight. And it’s something that people don’t understand, and it’s how difficult it is to try to think with clarity in those moments. 

[David]: Martínez had been speaking for over an hour. Robledo listened from his seat, seemingly uncomfortable.

[Jorge Enrique Robledo]: He defended himself in his typical style, which is to deny reality and present you as the liar, right?. So I’d hit him with A, B, C, and he’d respond with X, Y, Z. Throwing in some underhanded and dirty jabs. That cynicism, right? And the whole Congress—most of it—was on his side, applauding him, even. Liberals, conservatives, everyone. Because he’s part of the pinnacle of the Colombian establishment, friends with all those congressmen.

[Néstor Humberto]: Go to the Attorney General’s Office, sir! File a petition…Mister.

[David]: At one point, Senator Robledo even shouted at Martínez, calling him a fraud.

[Ernesto Macías]: I ask you, please…

[Néstor Humberto]: While you…

[Ernesto Macías]: Senator Robledo, please allow the debate to continue…

[Néstor Humberto]: For God’s sake.

[David]: But Martínez went on with his speech. And after nearly an hour and a half of speaking, he reached the most striking part of his address. That was when he shifted from defending himself to attacking his opponents—laying out what he called a conspiracy. Not just any conspiracy.

[Néstor Humberto]: The most shameful conspiracy process against Colombian justice in history began.

[David]: A conspiracy of which he said he was a direct victim. He pointed fingers at senators, journalists, other state officials, and servants of international organizations—even U.S. authorities. A conspiracy that, according to him, achieved one specific thing.

[Néstor Humberto]: Before he died, Jorge Enrique Pizano was poisoned—poisoned with hatred toward the person of the Attorney General of the Nation. And from the time when Jorge Enrique Pizano and I were close friends, I became his executioner.

[David]: A break, and we’ll be right back. 

We’re back on La Ruta del Sol.

[David]: In Congress, Martínez continued explaining the alleged conspiracy. According to him, one of the people involved was journalist María Jimena Duzán—whom we’ve already heard in other episodes. As we know, María Jimena had been publishing about corruption in Ruta del Sol for some time and had revealed, after the Pizanos’ deaths, that Jorge Enrique had been her source.

[David]: Martínez mentioned her by name in his speech.

[María Jimena Duzán]: According to Néstor Humberto, I was the key piece—the great mastermind of a plot to destroy justice. An international plot to bring down justice in Colombia.

[David]: And, according to Martínez, to destroy justice in Colombia María Jimena had help from another person. His name is  Luis Fernando Andrade. Andrade had been the head of the National Infrastructure Agency—the ANI—the state entity that plans, hires , and executes that type of major infrastructure projects. He was also one of María Jimena’s sources in her investigation.

Later we’ll talk more about Andrade and the role he played in all this. or now I mention him because Martínez also referred to him in his speech—saying something that startled María Jimena, who was watching live on TV.

[María Jimena]: We realized, from Néstor Humberto’s  speech, that he had privileged information—information only Jorge Enrique Pizano could have had through the chats he exchanged with me. And those chats came up there, mentioned by the Attorney General himself, Néstor Humberto Martínez.

[Néstor Humberto]: The journalist conveyed to Jorge Enrique Pizano a message from Andrade: You have to react in time, –says Andrade–. Don’t let them have the upper hand, because otherwise the Prosecutor will do to you what he did to me—persecute you. Persecute you! In other words, she incited him to strike at the Attorney General.

[David]: María Jimena couldn’t believe that the Attorney General was sharing transcripts of her private conversations on live television. She said she didn’t know how those private chats—between a journalist and her source—had been used, but she knew exactly how it made her feel.

[María Jimena]: Of course I felt fear. I thought, who knows how they’re using the chats I had with Jorge Enrique?

[David]: But she wasn’t the only journalist Martínez mentioned that day.

[Iván Serrano]: He mentioned me too.

[David]: Iván Serrano—the Noticias Uno journalist to whom Jorge Enrique gave the interview that was published two weeks earlier, right after his death. 

Martínez also accused Iván of being part of that conspiracy.

[Iván]: He said there was a collusion to poison Jorge Enrique, and other nonsense. Martínez Neira was very well informed about what the journalists and Jorge Enrique were doing.

[David]: Martínez said that Iván Serrano and the director of the newscast had betrayed Jorge Enrique—apparently he had wanted the piece to air before he died.

[Néstor Humberto]: It has come to light that Mr. Iván Serrano, journalist of Noticias Uno, had agreed to air the recorded interview with Jorge Enrique on the holiday of Monday, November 5, three days before his death. That means the  story had been made to run three days earlier, not afterward as a testament.

[David]: But according to Martínez, the director of the newscast had chosen to air another story that day, and the Pizano piece came out a week later.

[Néstor Humberto]: After knocking on many journalists’ doors, many, he chose to go through Noticias Uno, and they didn’t run the story they’d promised. He died in despair. They had sold him the idea that Néstor Humberto would crush him judicially. And it didn’t work out because they offered him the alternatives ofAmerican justice and a TV news outlet,and he fell into total depression. Used and manipulated by the conspirators.

[David]: Martínez was implying that Iván and the news outlet had deepened Jorge Enrique’s depression, which would ultimately lead to his death.

[Iván]: I felt truly intimidated when Martínez Neira went to Congress and implied he had knowledge—taken out of context and in bad faith—of conversations I’d had with him.

[David]: Conversations he’d had with Jorge Enrique. Conversation, again, between a journalist and his source.

[Iván]: And they were used maliciously, as he used them in Congress, in an intimidating way. And I wondered: how did he even know?

[David]: Iván had to publish those chats to clarify the issue and show that in that conversation they hadn’t spoken about the recordings, but about his frustration with the then Inspector General  for having lied publicly when he said that Jorge Enrique was a direct employee of Odebrecht.

[Iván]: In that message exchange there’s no mention of the news director, as you can see on screen, nor any reference to the interview or to the recordings that had been sealed since August at Pizano’s request. The suggestion by Attorney General Néstor Humberto Martínez that this newsroom bore any blame for the engineer’s death is, at the very least, irresponsible.

[Iván]: I felt intimidated. At that time, I even noticed odd things happening around my home, because with Martínez Neira we discovered just how powerful the Attorney General’s Office is. In Colombia, no one can say anything to the Attorney General. They can do whatever they want, and they’re judged only by the House’s Accusations Commission.

[David]: A commission made up not of judges but of congressmen that is also charged with investigating and accusing presidents—and that almost always ends up acquitting those it investigates.

[Néstor Humberto]: I have come to the Congress of the Republic, to the Senate of Colombians.

[David]: After speaking for almost two hours, insisting that he wouldn’t yield to those who supposedly wanted to set Colombian justice on fire, Martínez concluded.

[Néstor Humberto]: Today, the whole story is known—not the manipulated version of the conspirators. Thank you, Colombia. Thank you, honorable Senate of the Republic.

[David]: Amid the applause of Martínez’s supporters, Senators Robledo, Petro, and Lozano were ready to confront everything he’d said, his accusations, and to deliver their conclusions. Those were the rules.

Robledo was satisfied.

[Jorge Robledo]: I thought I might bring him down, but also,  you know they don’t fall overnight, right? Still, I think, up to the point we reached, the country was shaken. And there are facts there, glaring facts that no one can deny in any way. And the political impact was huge. In that sense, I’m satisfied with everything we did.

[David]: But the Senate president began giving the floor to senators from the Centro Democrático, his party, the ruling party, which additionally , as we explained, was politically aligned with the then Attorney General.

[Jorge Robledo]: And then something happened that no one had counted on. Paloma Valencia, a senator from Centro Democrático, cunningly, yes cunningly, because it was irrelevant to the topic. Breaking all normal procedures in the Senate, she played that now-famous video, the one with the bag…

[David]: It was a secretly recorded video from 2005. You couldn’t really hear what was being said, but you could see Gustavo Petro—one of the senators who had organized the debate and, at the time, the strongest opposition candidate for the next election—with a former aide of his, in a very confusing situation involving cash and a well-known architect.

[Jorge Robledo]: And on top, it was a black plastic bag, ominous, stuffed with money and all. 

[David]: Although the video never proved any illegal act—and Petro himself had warned beforehand that it would be released—it was extremely controversial and ended up diverting all attention away from the debate.

[Jorge Robledo]: It exploded like an atomic bomb, and the debate couldn’t go on, they ended up adjourning it.

[David]: Without him or the other two senators having a chance to respond to Martínez.

[Jorge Robledo]: So Néstor Humberto ended up closing the debate. Completely calculated. That’s not how it’s done. It was clearly orchestrated to protect this guy. Because that same accusation could’ve been made the next day if she was really so interested in doing it. 

[David]: With that abrupt end to the debate, many explanations from then Attorney General Martínez were left pending, about the supposed international conspiracy, but also about how he had gained access to all those conversations of Jorge Enrique’s, and how he had come to know even  about private meetings and phone calls.

In the next episode…

[Luis Fernando Andrade]: My perception at the time,and it remains my perception today, is that the Prosecutor’s Office made a decision that I had to be convicted as the scapegoat. I believe that was, in large part, to avoid investigating the people who truly should have been investigated.

[Teresa Chevres]: We did a lot of writing things down,like on a pad of paper, writing things,and we even went so far as to make a little fire and burn the papers. Because, well, given my age, I remember the Watergate era, when they even checked people’s trash. And yes, I was paranoid. So yes, burn everything too.

[David]: The then–Attorney General Martínez pointed to a very important figure in this story—and in that of Jorge Enrique Pizano—as the great conspirator against Colombian justice.

Credits

The reporting and production of this episode were done by me, David Trujillo. The lead editor is Camila Segura, with additional editing by Daniel Alarcón, Silvia Viñas, and Eliezer Budasoff. Eliezer is the project manager. Fact-checking is by Bruno Scelza and Sergio Sebastián Retavisca. Camilo Vallejo did the legal review. Sound design and mixing are by Martín Cruz, with original music by Andrés Nusser. The series’ graphics and art direction are by Diego Corzo.

Product development for La Ruta del Sol was led by Natalia Ramírez. Digital production was done by Nelson Rauda and Óscar Luna, with support from Lina Rincón and Samantha Proaño from Radio Ambulante Studios’ audience team.

La Ruta del Sol was recorded at Fiona Records.

At iHeart, the executive producers are Arlene Santana and Leo Gomez.

We want to thank FLIP for their valuable support in the legal review of this production and their advisory on security matters.

Carolina Guerrero is the executive producer of Central and the CEO of Radio Ambulante Studios.

You can follow us on social media as central podcast RA and subscribe to our email newsletter at centralpodcast.audio.

I’m David Trujillo. Thanks for listening.

Episode 5 | The Autopsy

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[David Trujillo]: In the previous episode…

Carlos Valdés, the then director of the Institute of Forensic Medicine, Colombia’s forensic entity, announced in different press conferences the results of analyses of four pieces of evidence in the Pizano case.

First, he spoke about Jorge Enrique’s body tissues that had been preserved in formaldehyde after the autopsy.

[Carlos Valdés]: No cyanide was found in any of the tissues or in the solution that contained the tissues.

[David]: Then, he made reference to the cyanide container wrapped in plastic bags that the Investigation Unit of the Attorney General’s Office found in the house where Jorge Enrique and Alejandro died.

[Carlos]: What can be said is that he touched the external bag, he touched the internal bag, and touched the container’s body and lid.

[David]: He also spoke about the flavored water bottle from which Alejandro drank the cyanide.

[Carlos]: And the result is that within the diverse genetic material that was found, Mr. Jorge Pizano’s DNA was present. That is the result: Mr. Jorge Pizano’s DNA was there. 

[David]: And lastly, about the towel that was in the bathroom where his wife found him dying and that had brown stains.

[Carlos]: The results are as follows: first, it’s human blood. Second, the DNA recovered from there corresponds to that of Mr. Jorge Pizano. Third, the stain does not contain cyanide.

[David]: The conclusion then, according to all these results, was that Jorge Enrique touched the cyanide container, touched the flavored water bottle, but did not die from poisoning.

Rumors that something strange was happening around this case started very early. Within days of the deaths of Jorge Enrique and Alejandro Pizano, Javier Oviedo, the president of one of the unions at the Institute of Forensic Medicine, began receiving complaints from his fellow expert colleagues. They said, mainly, that they were being pressured to accept the version that the acting director was sharing in the media. This is Javier.

[Javier Oviedo]: There were some experts who called us and said: we were called first thing in the morning to sign a statement. That is, the director gathered them to sign a joint statement saying that everything had been done and that everyone… and they wouldn’t sign it, they didn’t want to. But none of them wanted to speak out for fear of… well, of what was coming and it was a complicated case. And what it entailed with Odebrecht and all these things. Well, that, let’s say, is intimidating, right? For anyone.

[David]: Intimidated as they were, Javier’s colleagues insisted they couldn’t support the acting director’s version. They didn’t agree with giving credibility to the results of the analyses of Jorge Enrique’s tissue samples. It was always known they were submerged in formaldehyde, a substance that can eliminate cyanide and make its detection more difficult. Although the samples were unsuitable for that procedure, they did it and validated those results. But according to Javier, nothing could be ruled out or confirmed based on that. It could be a false positive.

[Javier]: In other words, the test wasn’t reliable. There’s no absolute truth there… I mean, the truth isn’t there. As far as we know, the grounds to argue a death of natural causes weren’t  that solid. It seems more like they made it look that way. It was already something very serious, what he was doing, because he’s saying things that his experts aren’t saying and he’s doing things outside the established procedures and functioning.

[David]: With these complaints that the union was receiving, what Javier and his colleagues suspected was that something was being planned from above.  

[Javier]: We had the feeling they were covering something up, because what was the need to go out and lie. That encouraged us  even more to say no, something has to be done here. So that’s when we decided to take the risk. And we decided to take this to the media.

[Journalist]: A doctor from the Institute of Forensic Medicine and union director denounced that they couldn’t even look for cyanide in Jorge Enrique Pizano’s tissues because of the formaldehyde they had been  delivered in, and he’s asking director Carlos Valdés to explain his statements.

[Javier]: To explain how it is possible to detect in formaldehyde and in tissues with formaldehyde –to try to do a cyanide test if it’s not validated at the Institute, to explain that to the public.

[Journalist]: Oviedo went further. He refuted Valdés’s statements about a bloodstained towel.

[Javier]: We want to ask the director general how he can say that the bloodstain was Jorge Pizano’s if there’s no reference sample because the body was cremated?

[David]: That complaint came out in the media on December 9, one month after the deaths. The Institute of Forensic Medicine, led by  Carlos Valdés, rejected all the complaints. It published a statement saying that Javier was a general practitioner and didn’t have the knowledge in pathology, toxicology, or genetics to refute the results of the analyses. They insisted they had specialized and validated techniques to find cyanide.

The following week, the newscast Noticias Uno published a virtual meeting in which Valdés summoned all the employees of the entity in the country.

[Journalist]: Last Monday, the director of the Institute of Forensic Medicine, Carlos Valdés, had called a press conference to explain his version in the case of the death of Jorge Enrique Pizano and his son Alejandro after the doctor and president of the Institute’s union, Javier Oviedo, questioned the results of the studies. But he canceled it unexpectedly and instead convened a video conference  with all the staff of  the Institute of Forensic Medicine in the country.

[David]: Someone, from a room where the meeting was being projected, recorded a video secretly. On a white wall you can see the image of a video call where Valdés starts by greeting his subordinates.

[Carlos]: I’m glad to have you there. Greetings to all of you.

[David]: The audio isn’t the best, because it was surely recorded with a cell phone, but you can understand that Valdés spoke to them about what was happening, about the complaints that questioned the reliability of the analyses of the evidence. And he asked something from them…

[Carlos]: I ask the entire community of the Institute of Forensic Medicine at this time that if I coerced you, please report me.

[David]: Little by little he became agitated and started gesticulating. 

[Carlos]: Stand up and say something. If I have coerced you at any time. It can’t be possible that 104 years of work go down the drain because a union leader dares to smear the Institute.

[David]: Then he calmed down a bit, but he seemed discouraged. He rubbed his head, at one point his voice broke, and at the end he yelled what he expected from all of them.

[Carlos]: I don’t expect anything more from any of you, colleagues of the Institute, than your loyalty to the institution.

[David]: Finally, he promised something.

[Carlos]: This director continues. No one is going to intimidate me.

[David]: «This director continues,» meaning, he wasn’t going to resign. And he ends by saying that no one is going to intimidate him.

The Office of the Inspector General  opened a process to investigate Valdés for possible disciplinary failures. But in addition to that investigation, Javier recalls that right after holding a press conference to publicize the complaints, he and the vice president of the union received an email from the Attorney General.

[Javier]: From Néstor Humberto Martínez himself, the Attorney General at that time. Where it said we have received your complaint, we’re assigning you a prosecutor and this is a criminal notice number. That was very strange, because when does a prosecutor go through the trouble to write to you saying we have received your complaint. It’s like saying I know who you are and what you did.

[David]: And for them it was even stranger when they looked up that criminal notice number on the Attorney General’s Office website, that is, the case registration number, and it didn’t seem to be their complaint.

[Javier]: When we later verified that criminal notice, it corresponds to something else, anything but what it is.

[David]: There it says that the crime they investigated was that of non-compliant contract. It doesn’t seem to be related to what the Institute of Forensic Medicine union reported. And it also says the investigation was filed in November 2021.

[Javier]: In other words, that was never done. And, actually, the Attorney General’s Office never called us to testify. Never.

[David]: From Central Series and Radio Ambulante Studios, this is La Ruta del Sol.

In today’s episode we’re going to review in detail the evidence in this case that was analyzed at the Institute of Forensic Medicine and the reasons why it remains so controversial.

I’m David Trujillo. Episode 5: The Autopsy.

[David]: Let’s start by remembering something: the autopsy of Jorge Enrique’s body was done one day after the death, on November 9, in a hospital with an independent contractor. Having no indication that it was a violent death, the Institute of Forensic Medicine didn’t do it, so the ruling on the cause of death wasn’t theirs.

Javier adds an additional piece of information.

[Javier]: And the person who does the clinical autopsy is a former expert from the Institute, but he’s not just any former expert, he’s the former deputy director of Forensic Services. An experienced pathologist.

[David]: That expert is called Pedro Emilio Morales. I contacted him for an interview, but he told me he couldn’t talk about the subject because at this time the case is under confidentiality, but in 2019, he did give some statements to the Inspector General’s Office for the disciplinary process against Carlos Valdés.

According to what Pedro Morales explained in those statements, when he began doing the autopsy of Jorge Enrique’s body, there was no information in the medical record that would lead him to suspect cyanide poisoning. And he didn’t see the obvious signs that this poison usually leaves on the body: no flushed spots on the skin, no unusually fluid and redder blood, no cherry-colored gastric mucosa, no smell of bitter almonds. Since there was none of that, he didn’t even consider the possibility of cyanide poisoning.

Let’s remember that Jorge Enrique had been receiving cancer treatment for about a year, but Morales also said he didn’t find the cancerous lymphoma, which means the treatment had worked. But he did discover some conditions in the liver, lungs, a kidney, and the heart. With that, and based on a history of heart disease, he concluded he had died from what’s called «cardiac arrhythmia due to left ventricular hypertrophy,» that is, a failure that can be caused by physical stress from unusual exercises or psychological stress due to overwhelming emotions, such as panic or fear. But also from lack of oxygen.

As we already said in past episodes, Morales kept some tissue samples of vitreous humor, the gelatinous substance found in the eyes. But he didn’t take blood samples, which is where the most reliable toxicological tests can be done, because, according to what he said and I quote here: «If I take blood it means I must do toxicology studies and I turn  the autopsy into a medico-legal one.» That means he would have opened the door to the hypothesis of an unnatural death and he had no indication that led him to think that.

So, let’s focus on those tissue samples. We already know these were the only option to analyze possible cyanide poisoning because the body had been cremated. We also know they arrived submerged in formaldehyde at a toxicology laboratory of the Institute of Forensic Medicine. And let’s remember that formaldehyde could eliminate cyanide and make its detection more difficult.

Javier, the union president, says those samples were no longer suitable for doing that type of analysis. 

[Javier]: The problem there was that the… first, the test wasn’t standardized at the Institute, meaning, it wasn’t usually done. And in other laboratories, well, it’s very complicated. I mean, there wasn’t the… The procedure to do that wasn’t there, but he does it in the end, Valdés orders it to be done.

[David]: Carlos Valdés, the director of the Institute of Forensic Medicine at that time, assured me that wasn’t true. That those accusations came from a political discussion. This is Carlos.

[Carlos]: The death of Jorge Enrique Pizano was being presented as a political event and there was one political group accusing another political group that was defending itself. In the middle of that was the director of Forensic Medicine and the institution was there and many questions were being raised, right?

[David]: He also said he didn’t pressure anyone to analyze the tissue samples submerged in formaldehyde, because he never intervened in the work of the experts because of the pyramidal structure that the Institute has always had.

[Carlos]: The director didn’t speak with the staff. The director gives directives through his deputy director and the regional directors.

The toxicologist who did that analysis of the samples told the Inspector General’s Office later that when he received them, the label on the container didn’t clarify that they were in formaldehyde, as is usual. When he realized, he consulted with his boss, the toxicology coordinator, so she could determine whether the analysis could be done or not, and she authorized it. The toxicologist followed the instructions, but left a record that those samples weren’t the best. Another expert report from the same case that was done later also says the same thing: samples in formaldehyde are not the most suitable for conducting the search for cyanide. It is more appropriate to perform this type of analysis on blood samples or gastric contents.

So the toxicologist opened the portion of liver he received and from the center extracted a blood sample that apparently hadn’t been reached by the formaldehyde. The result of that analysis, as we already know, was negative for cyanide, but in the statement to the Inspector General’s Office, when they asked the toxicologist what was the probability of finding cyanide in those samples, he said something that, to be thorough, I’m going to quote verbatim: «If the cyanide is there, the likelihood is absolute in this type of sample that I analyzed. But since we don’t have certainty that the formaldehyde had attacked the entire sample, we can’t assert that we were dealing with cyanide. Today I’m not sure that the formaldehyde had attacked the entire sample. That’s why the center was analyzed, which seems not yet to be in formaldehyde.» End of quote.

The toxicologist also said he informed the prosecutor in charge of the case about all of that, including that the samples weren’t the most suitable for that analysis. In the end, it’s the prosecutor who decides if the evidence is valid. And that’s what he did: he accepted it.

But then if the tissue samples weren’t the best, could the result not be reliable? Although Carlos said in a press conference that they hadn’t found cyanide, because the law allowed him to share results of this type of investigation, Javier, the union president, insists that with those samples kept in formaldehyde you couldn’t know with certainty whether Jorge Enrique really consumed the poison or not.

[Javier]: Well, with what was there, it couldn’t be confirmed. Scientifically, neither one thing nor the other is proven.

[David]: Carlos says that indeed there’s no 100% reliability, because no science, including forensics, produces absolute truths.

[Carlos]: What do I want to tell you with this? Any scientific result given by any laboratory in the world is a non-absolute truth. It’s a relative truth.

[David]: And he adds that of course mistakes can be made, but that the Institute’s quality procedures can detect them in time.

[Carlos]: With this I want to tell you that yes, the result that cyanide doesn’t exist in the sample can be questioned, of course, and scientifically it can be questioned. It can’t be questioned by hearsay, by witnesses, by belief, because I imagine, no. Scientific results must be questioned scientifically.

[David]: In other words, he says the negative result can be refuted with another scientific analysis, but since there are no other samples not contaminated with formaldehyde, it’s impossible to do it.

But there’s something more in the statements of Pedro Morales, the expert who did Jorge Enrique’s autopsy, that’s worth highlighting.

After Alejandro’s death, when the authorities sought him out to corroborate the information, he didn’t completely rule out the possibility that Jorge Enrique had died from consuming cyanide. But he said he didn’t see or smell anything suspicious, although he did clarify that the flushed skin spots left by the substance can vary and that even detecting the smell of bitter almonds depends on the investigator’s sensitivity and many people don’t even recognize it. He added that, and here I quote, «cyanide poisoning can be demonstrated with the body or with the scene.» That’s why he asked   the investigators to look for the cyanide container in the house and even find out if Jorge Enrique had searched on the Internet for how to commit suicide that way.

Morales also told the authorities they hadn’t taken into account that the cyanide in the bottle was dissolved in flavored water, which has citric acid. He explained the following to them—this is also a verbatim quote—: «if the water has citric acid when you mix it with cyanide, hydrogen cyanide is produced, which is a very volatile gas and when you inhale it you can die without the cause of death being identified afterward.» End quote.

He said it was a possible hypothesis and added that if that was the case, and again I quote, «in the toxicology tests nothing is seen, they won’t find cyanide in the blood.»

So I presented that hypothesis to Carlos Valdés: that the gas produced by mixing cyanide with water killed Jorge Enrique and that’s why the poison couldn’t be found in the tissue samples.

[Carlos]: Yes, that possibility exists. Now, that term in science is nothing, because there’s a possibility that yes, or a possibility that no – in science, in science that’s nothing. For me, as a doctor practicing science, I never speculate. I don’t speculate. I say what science gives me so far. It may be that as the years go by, science advances and, as I tell you, the truth that today is relative, can be modified as it advances… But so far that’s the truth.

[David]: After the break, the bottle and the towel.

We’ll be right back.

[David]: We’re back on La Ruta del Sol.

It’s clear that Alejandro Pizano drank the liquid from a plastic bottle of flavored water with a green cap. It was small, personal size. It was almost full when he found it on his father’s desk.

Later, while he was reacting to the effects of the poison, his sisters claim to have grabbed that bottle several times. First Juanita, who brought it close to her lips to try to identify what that liquid was. Then Carolina, when they left for the hospital and in the car she gave it to her sister again. And finally Juanita passed it to someone in the ambulance and saw that some nurses  had it. She didn’t know what happened after.

But it turns out that bottle was analyzed at the Institute of Forensic Medicine and they confirmed it contained cyanide. But they also found other things, like this one that Javier, the union president, mentions.

[Javier]: Samples were taken from the mouth of the bottle and there they found DNA that belonged to a relative of his.

[David]: DNA from a relative of Alejandro. The expert report is very clear, and I quote here: «In the swab from the mouth of the plastic bottle, a genetic profile of an unknown male individual was found.» The same report also clarifies that it’s the DNA of, and here I quote again, «a relative of Alejandro Pizano Ponce de León from his same paternal lineage.»

[Javier]: Let’s say they shared genetic information as if it were from father and son.

[David]: In addition, the expert report adds that that DNA was the same that was found on the plastic bags that wrapped the cyanide container they found in one of the bathrooms. The conclusion was logical. Carlos Valdés confirms it.

[Carlos]: The bottle had cyanide and DNA from Jorge Enrique Pizano. That is, he had touched the bottle.

[David]: But it’s not that he had only touched the body of the bottle with his hands, as Carlos said in a press conference. The DNA, according to the expert report, was found on the mouth of the bottle. Now, whether he drank from there before or after it had cyanide… we can’t know that.

The expert report also gives another piece of information that seems absurd. I quote verbatim: «Alejandro Pizano Ponce de León is excluded as the origin of the genetic profile obtained from the swab of the mouth of the plastic bottle.» I asked Carlos about it.

[David]: Does that mean there’s no DNA from Alejandro?

[Carlos]: No. That means there wasn’t… and it’s understandable because of this, look: To detect the DNA molecule there has to be a minimum of cells. Very surely the little contact there was between Alejandro Pizano’s lips and the edge of the bottle wasn’t enough to leave the minimum cells for DNA to be detected. Do you understand what I mean?

[David]: Understood. But the thing is that although they analyzed the entire bottle, not just the mouth, they also didn’t find DNA from the many other people who touched it.

[Carlos]: Oh, well I don’t know how many hands, but only Jorge Enrique’s was found on the edge of the bottle. I don’t know how many hands might have touched it. Or I don’t know how it was manipulated, yes, … that I wouldn’t know.

[David]: And then I asked him if it was possible that in the rush to reach a result that would support the initial ruling of death of natural causes, the other analyses of the evidence had been forced or even information that could contradict it had been ignored.

[Carlos]: No, that’s not possible, because as I tell you, the entire Institute, its laboratories, everything, all the Institute’s dependencies act with quality control systems. So, for someone to think that a procedure was altered to reach a previously agreed result, that’s totally impossible when an institution is internationally and nationally accredited.

[David]: But even so, as he indeed said: mistakes can be made.

Ok. So let’s see about the towel.

It was white, full-body size. It was in the bathroom where Jorge Enrique’s wife found him dying on the floor. According to what the family said, it was the towel he was wrapped in at that moment. And it had something important: some brown stains that appeared to be blood.

The Inspector General’s Office investigation concluded that due to the time elapsed during the process of  packaging and preservation of the towel, that evidence wasn’t suitable either for analysis to detect cyanide. They still performed it. And on November 27, Carlos Valdés announced in another press conference the results of the analyses of those brown stains.

[Carlos]: The results are as follows: first, it is human blood. Second, the DNA recovered from there corresponds to that of Mr. Jorge Pizano. Third, the stain does not contain cyanide.

[David]: And that ruling stood until about a month later, when on December 20 La W Radio revealed the expert report on the towel with a surprising conclusion: the stains were not blood.

[Journalist]: Valdés assured that only until midday today did he learn of the text of the forensic report that was sent by the Institute of Forensic Medicine to the Attorney General’s Office and in which it’s ensures that it wasn’t blood, which, according to him, doesn’t change the primary result where it was reported that Jorge Pizano died from natural causes.

[David]: A pause and we’ll be back.

[David]: We’re back on La Ruta del Sol.

The expert report on the towel made it clear that the stains were not blood, as Carlos Valdés had said publicly. For Javier Oviedo, the union president, that fact undermined the entire narrative that the Institute of Forensic Medicine had been telling for about a month about the Pizano case.

[Javier]: Indeed, there’s a test that looks for cyanide in blood. But it wasn’t blood, so since it’s not a bloodstain, well, the whole lie falls apart. Remember that he was a doctor, and if you read there it says it’s not blood. If someone from outside can read it and say the conclusion is that there’s no blood, why can’t a doctor interpret it? I mean, it doesn’t make sense, right? So it can be two things: either he wanted to cover something up or he definitely didn’t know what he was doing.

[David]: Carlos assured me he found out about the expert report on the towel that same day through the media. As he’s said before, he didn’t intervene in the work of his subordinates. What he did, according to him, was replicate the information they gave him. So when he found out about the news, he immediately called his deputy director to find out what had happened.

[Carlos]: I told my deputy director: find out from the laboratory what that stain was. And then she gives me an answer about an hour later: the result is that that stain is saliva. I said: oh, I was wrong.

Colombians listening to me know that in Colombia there’s a saying that one should not “give papaya”. That is, the opportunities to make mistakes are many, but one must be very careful not to make mistakes. I know I felt great disappointment at having made a mistake. I had lost because I should have asked. I myself felt disappointed because I hadn’t been thorough.  And look at me, I could have said no, the guilty ones were the chemist who didn’t notify, who having heard me tell the media that it was blood, didn’t warn me. That the lab chief didn’t do it either, that the coordinator didn’t do it, that the sectional director didn’t do it, that the regional director didn’t do it, that the deputy director didn’t do it. And I could have blamed any of them and could have fired them from the institution because it was a serious fault. But I went to the Attorney General and told him: Attorney General, I am the only one to blame. I resign, effective immediately. 

[Journalist]: Attention, the director of the National Institute of Forensic Medicine, Carlos Valdés, resigned from his position. The official accepted that he made a communication error by revealing rulings of the tests in the Pizano case.

[David]: Carlos announced his resignation at a press conference.

[Carlos]: I have submitted my resignation today, because my work of eight years at the head of the Institute shouldn’t be smeared. I am the only one responsible, my mistake was due to the fact that, because of the initial characteristics of the stain, I assumed it was a bloodstain. That from that moment I made the mistake of never asking the laboratories about its origin and only focused  on the forensic results of whether it corresponded or not to Mr. Pizano and whether there was or wasn’t cyanide there.

[David]: At that same press conference, he also claimed that the Institute of Forensic Medicine had done its work well and that the rest of the analysis results remained intact.

[Carlos]: The results obtained in the laboratory and that you learned about do not alter its integrity in any way. That result is truthful. It has no modification.

[David]: But I had a question about the towel. The result of the analysis was that the stains were not blood, they were saliva… But brown saliva?

[Carlos]: Very surely, because also in the accounts that those from the Technical Investigation Unit had, it seems he had previously drunk coffee. But no, otherwise I wouldn’t know why it was brown. Or it may have happened that the denomination of the color brown was wrong, right? Because sometimes one perceives a color as brown and sometimes it’s not brown. There are shades.

[David]: It was saliva, ok. Its analysis confirmed there was no cyanide… also ok. But then…

[David]: Is it likely that that saliva had been there before he, let’s suppose, had consumed cyanide?

[Carlos]: There, once again, I tell you I don’t know. And as a doctor who practices science, I don’t speculate. So I don’t know, I don’t know. The probability that yes, the probability that no, I don’t know.

[David]: Carlos left the direction of the Institute of Forensic Medicine on December 31, 2018, but continued working at the Attorney General’s Office. According to what he told me, it was the then Attorney General, Néstor Humberto Martínez, who offered him to be an advisor in the creation of a database with DNA of criminals, and Carlos accepted because he told me he needed to work one more year to have a better pension.

From that moment until today, -he is currently a university professor- he has always said that in the Pizano case he never manipulated information or lied, but that he made a mistake. 

[Carlos]: And if you look at a Spanish dictionary, when you lie it’s when you know the truth and change it. That’s called lying. But if you, without knowing a result, say something else believing that to be true, that’s called in Spanish language a mistake.

[David]: And, according to that, when there’s a mistake, the implications are different. In 2023 the Inspector General’s Office ended up agreeing with him in that regard and cleared him of any disciplinary liability in the first instance. 

Javier Oviedo, the union president, says that despite being he and his colleagues who reported the possible irregularities and who provided the evidence for investigation, they were never notified of that decision.

[Javier]: After so much asking, they tell us that a decision was made on the case, that the case is already closed. So we request a copy of the entire process and decided to appeal it, because in the process there were many inconsistencies. And the Inspector General’s Office at that time tells us no, you don’t have the right, you can’t appeal and they don’t let us appeal.

Around the same time as Carlos Valdés’s resignation, at the end of December 2018, a second instance judge ruled on the inspection that the Technical Investigation Unit of the Attorney General’s Office did at the Pizano house. An inspection that, remember, from the start was based on a hypothesis of suicide due to financial problems.

What that judge did was ratify that the evidence that the Attorney General’s Office collected in that inspection was not valid. The law says that evidence must be legalized before a court within the following 36 hours, but in this case, the Attorney General’s Office kept the objects for five days. They didn’t respect the chain of custody.

That meant something crucial: since the Attorney General’s Office didn’t follow what was established by law regarding time, the evidence they took that day, like the cyanide container wrapped in plastic bags or the towel with the brown stains, was not valid in a legal process. They also couldn’t use what was on Jorge Enrique’s cell phones or on his computers’ hard drives, like the conversations with journalists, with the United States authorities and the other evidence that was there about corruption in La Ruta del Sol II. That didn’t mean that the information there wasn’t valuable, only that it couldn’t be used for the legal process.

In the next episode…

[Jorge Robledo]: And this is probably going to be the first, the first of these debates, in which we’re going to complete the pieces of the puzzle.

[Angéliza Lozano]: Néstor Humberto knew what the Attorney General’s Office was up to: cover up, block, protect, guarantee the impunity of Colombia’s richest man, his boss or his friend, a very close relationship.

[Néstor Humberto Martínez]: Well, Jorge Enrique comes this evening to the Senate chamber to take a stand against the falsehood, against the injury, against the lie, against the fallacy.

[David]: The Attorney General would accept an invitation he wasn’t obligated to attend. But he was ready to fight.

Credits

La Ruta del Sol is a podcast from Central, the series channel of Radio Ambulante Studios, and is part of My Cultura’s podcast network from iHeart Radio.

The reporting and production of this series were done by me, David Trujillo. The main editor is Camila Segura, with additional editing by Daniel Alarcón, Silvia Viñas and Eliezer Budasoff. Eliezer is the project manager. Fact-checking is by Bruno Scelza and Sergio Sebastián Retavisca. Sound design and mixing are by Martín Cruz, with original music by Andrés Nusser and Óscar Luna. The graphics and art direction of the series are by Diego Corzo.

Product development for La Ruta del Sol was led by Natalia Ramírez. Digital production was done by Nelson Rauda and Óscar Luna, with support from Lina Rincón and Samantha Proaño, from the audiences team at Radio Ambulante Studios.

La Ruta del Sol was recorded at Fiona Records.

At iHeart the executive producers are Arlene Santana and Leo Gomez.

We want to thank FLIP for their valuable support in the legal review of this production and in their advice on security matters.

Carolina Guerrero is the executive producer of Central and CEO of Radio Ambulante Studios.

You can follow us on social media as central podcast RA and subscribe to our email newsletter at centralpodcast.audio.

I’m David Trujillo. Thanks for listening.