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EP. 1 Pennsylvania: del ‘cinturón de óxido’ al ‘cinturón latino’

Tráiler – Bukele: el señor de Los sueños
EP. 1 Alguien como Bukele
EP. 2 Muévete rápido, rompe cosas
EP. 3 La hora de la medicina amarga
EP. 4 El evangelio (del Bitcoin) según Bukele
EP. 5 ‘Batman’ descubre el viejo negocio de la violencia
EP. 6 La última elección
EP. 7 Después de Bukele
Tráiler: El péndulo
EP. 1 Pennsylvania: del ‘cinturón de óxido’ al ‘cinturón latino’
EP. 2 Nevada: la preocupación por la economía
EP. 3 Florida: donde América Latina vota

Ep. 3 Florida

EP Tile Episodio 3 Florida 1400x1401 1

Julio: Last week, Hurricane Milton made landfall in central Florida. It brought tornadoes, floods, storm surges… And left more than 20 dead and hundreds of buildings destroyed. Authorities say that the total reconstruction of this part of Florida will take a very long time. From El Péndulo, we want to send all our solidarity to the people affected by this catastrophe.

We know that Milton hit hard… And, for that reason, we did not want to overlook a mention of what happened. But our story does not focus here, in central Florida. It begins somewhere else. A very particular place.

Zairenna: South Florida is like purgatory.

Julio: This is Zairenna Barboza, director of programming and content for Actualidad Radio. A local station that broadcasts on AM-FM and online.

Zairenna compares South Florida to purgatory because she says that everyone comes here to pay a penalty. Or they are in search of something.

Zairenna: In some way, most of all the communities that are in South Florida come here driven by an emotion.

So, we come running away from something and we come from being super passionate and we say that here we are extremists. I wouldn’t say extremist, I would say that we are all passionate with our points.

Julio: Well, now you talk about South Florida. But how is South Florida different from the rest of the state?

Zairenna: Because we feel that this is Latin America, still.

Julio: I have lived in South Florida for seven years. And the truth is that in some points I agree with Zairenna…

I think it is a desired area, right? It is a point that most people decided to arrive at voluntarily. They come from many parts of the world, but mainly from different places in Latin America. Some flee poverty. They seek work and progress. Others escaped totalitarian regimes. And a few came to invest the great fortunes of the continent. It is a place where Spanish is widely spoken and where political positions are largely defined by the origin of the people who live here. It is cosmopolitan, but also conservative —if we compare it with other large metropolises in the United States, of course.

All this makes South Florida a particular, complex place, different from the rest of the state… And above all, a very, very, very Latino place.

Julio: In these elections, there are two million Latino voters in Florida. That is, one in five voters. And the polls say that the state is still in play. Vice President Kamala Harris undoubtedly has a better chance of winning here than President Biden did. But former President Trump won Florida in 2016 and in 2020. In other words, everything is yet to be decided.

This is El Péndulo: the Latino vote from five states that will decide the presidential elections in the United States. A podcast from Noticias Telemundo and Radio Ambulante Studios.

Today… Florida.

Julio: One of the unique features of South Florida is its influential Spanish-language radio stations. If you are in Miami, get in your car and start changing stations, you will hear something like this:

Archive: Host: Friends, today is Friday and the body knows it.

Voice: But if we keep this attitude, we will not be heard by God.

Host: Listen, this controversy of the Castro dictatorship…

Host: A grandmother is not restlessly thinking about the abortion law.

July: A little bit of reggaeton. One or two Christian stations. A debate about abortion. News from Latin America and the world… etc.

The radio is the media per excellence for Latinos here in the United States. There are more than a thousand Spanish-language radio stations throughout the country. And the programming varies: sports, music, religion… A few also broadcast news and opinion.

And while some Spanish-language radio stations have been accused of spreading disinformation, for many, listening to the radio is almost a tradition. It connects them to the music they grew up with and informs them in their own language.

And this is especially true in South Florida.

Zairenna: Here, talk radio has a different power.

Julio: That is, they are the space in which political narratives take shape.

Zairenna: In this case, at least here at Actualidad Radio, we are a radio that entertains with information and our main characteristic is that.

Julio: In Miami, there are more than ten Spanish-language radio stations. Their audience is the Latin diaspora.

There is Radio Mambí. Radio Caracol. La Poderosa… a radio station created by Cuban exiles and recently bought by a Christian media company.

And of course, there is also Actualidad Radio.

Audio file jingle: Noticias Actualidad Radio…

Julio: A group of Cubans and Venezuelans founded the station 18 years ago. The headquarters are in a small building in the city of Doral, in Miami-Dade county. This is the most populated county in Florida. And almost 70% of the people who live there are Latino.

Zairenna: The radio’s slogan is one language, all the accents, one signal and that’s what we are.

Audio file, different hosts:

Host: Good morning, good morning, good morning

Host: Good morning, welcome at this time…

Host: Gentlemen, it’s 4:12 in the afternoon and we continue

Host: Good afternoon, thank you for joining us.

Zairenna: We have a program with diverse talents: Cubans, Venezuelans, Colombians, Argentines. There are Nicaraguan guests, there are guests of all kinds.

Julio: And the political visions are also different from one program to another?

Zairenna: Yes, all people have different political visions. For us, that’s normal.

Julio: That is, there is a host, a conductor…

Zairenna: There are some who are more liberal. There are others who are conservative. We don’t like extremes.

Julio: The dynamic works more or less like this: the most liberal hosts go on air in the morning. And the conservatives take the microphone in the afternoon. During the first hours of the day you hear topics like this:

Audio archive, AM programming

Host: Political analysts gave Kamala Harris the victory in the debate. And I think that, I think that’s how it was.

Host: What Chávez said became dogma and in Cuba it was the same.

Host: The UN woke up today saying that they are worried that Lebanon will become a second Gaza.

Host: The tariffs will have an impact on the American consumer. Even though in the statements made by the former president he says the opposite.

Julio: And the later it gets, you can hear things like this:

Audio file, PM programming

Host: Mrs. Harris could be a nice-smelling perfume. But after five minutes…

Host: Eau de cologne, I told you.

Host: After five minutes, she fades away. Behind this lady, there is no coherent proposal.

Host: Iran is on the verge of obtaining the uranium needed for a first atomic bomb.

Host: Trump could have told her, look, do you know how many people have been killed by criminal immigrants that you have let in?

Julio: Now, here in the hallways, when a program ends, do the hosts not fight? Do they not have disagreements over their political views, or does everything flow very well?

Zairenna: They meet and greet each other. And, for example, our morning talents, who at some point coincide with the afternoon talents, hey, how is Venezuela? Hey, how do you see this? And we look for the points that are coincidental and can unite us and not what separates us.

Julio: It is as if on this radio each show functions as an independent republic, where each host runs his territory in his own way and the programs are not connected to each other. But not everyone likes to hear such a variety of opinions.

At El péndulo, we read several comments from listeners on social networks. One of the ones that caught our attention was directed at the hosts of the morning show. Here I quote it: “During your time my radio does not turn on because for me you have no credibility whatsoever.”

Zairenna: When people call us, or write to us, or write to me, they say that you are communists, and I say: Ok. Or you are extremists, super hyper-right-wing and I… I mean, for some people we are one extreme or for others we are the other. It means that I am representing both things.

Julio: But, let’s see, how that looks in reality. Now inside the booth…

Zairenna: For example, this is something that was done for the debate, right? People have been invited from one side and the other, both in the morning and in the afternoon. And there have been debates with a Republican and a Democrat and different ideas are presented. And on the air, how do you hear it? Each one defends their position.

Julio: Does the debate get heated?

Zairenna: Oh, yes. But, South Florida is passionate.

Julio: Don’t the microphones get blown up?

Zairenna: Always. And people, many people call to say you are crazy, I don’t agree with you. How nice, welcome to the democracy club. And this is America, welcome here where thinking differently is the norm.

Julio: And this happens often. A couple of weeks ago, Zairenna was at the studio controls when a call came in from a listener.

Zairenna: And the listener disqualified the journalist who was on the air and told him, “Look, I’m going to have to take you off the air. Not because you’re saying that you disagree with me, but because you’re disqualifying me.”

Zairenna: We will never allow messages of racism, discrimination and violence. And if we make a mistake and have an inappropriate mention, it is corrected and let’s go.

Julio: And now that we are in an election year, is there anything that worries you? Anything that particularly calls your attention?

Zairenna: That the differences have been taken as a point not to solve the problems, but to create them.

Julio: After visiting the radio station, I was left with the impression that this newsroom is, in some way, a miniature version of South Florida. Where different accents, nationalities and political visions coexist. Some radical and others not so much.

But, despite having lived and worked in this state for years, it is impossible for me to analyze all the Latino communities that make life here.

I mean, one thing is to live in Miami and be a news anchor for Telemundo for a national audience… And another thing, very different, is to be a local reporter here. I don’t know much about the subject. But Syra Ortiz-Blanes does…

Syra: I am the immigration reporter for the Miami Herald. In these elections I am helping with the coverage. Looking at the Hispanic vote in Florida and at a national level.

Julio: After the break, Syra helps us understand how and why the diverse Latino communities in Florida vote.

We’ll be back.

[MIDROLL]

Julio: We’re back at El péndulo. I’m Julio Vaqueiro.

Julio: Sometimes it is said that the good thing about Miami is that it is very close to the United States. And well, in that sense, Syra Ortiz Blanes is fully authorized to talk about the local scene. She is not originally from Florida. Like so many, she was born and raised elsewhere, in her case in Puerto Rico. She has been living and working here for almost three years now, in South Florida. She still remembers what surprised her the most when she arrived.

Syra: The diversity of the Hispanic population. Because sometimes when you think about the Hispanic population in Florida, well, you think about what they are… It’s the Cuban community, which is very established here, which has been here for many years.

Julio: A little over 60 years… And yes, in the 90s, the majority of Latinos living in Florida were Cubans. But this is no longer the case.

Syra: There is everything here. In fact, so many populations exist here. The roots of the populations are different, right? In Florida, I think, there are more than 6 million Latinos.

Julio: There are Puerto Ricans, Colombians, Venezuelans, Peruvians, Nicaraguans and Argentines. Just to name a few.

Syra: So there is a great variety of political interests at play. Because of the number of identities that exist in this population. And also something that is important to touch on is that many Hispanics here in Florida vote with their homes, with their countries of origin in mind, right?

Julio: And the thing is that when people migrate, when they arrive in the United States, they don’t just bring with them a couple of suitcases. They also bring their personal history. Their political ideology. Their ideas about what democracy is. And all of this translates into how they vote and also into what they expect from the candidates.

I asked Syra for an example. And she gave me the example of the Cubans, Venezuelans and Nicaraguans.

Syra: They are very anti-socialist, very anti-communist and they want their candidates, whom they support, to align themselves with those values ​​that they have. In other words, it is very common and I would say that it is even an expectation that politicians and candidates talk about these issues, right?

Julio: For example, during his campaign Trump has repeated the words communist and socialist over and over again. Many times linking the Democrats with regimes like that of Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela, and saying that the United States could become a communist country if Kamala Harris wins the elections.

File:

Trump: Please, come up, thank you

Daniel: It is important that we understand that what has happened in our countries in Latin America can happen here.

Julio: This is Daniel Campos, a Venezuelan whom Trump invited to the stage during a rally in Pennsylvania. His speech focused on warning of what, according to him, can happen in the country.

File:

Daniel: Unless, we take a different step and that is why I think Trump is the best person to do it.

Julio: Since the time of Ronald Reagan, Republicans have taken a tough attitude against left-wing governments in Latin America: sanctions, denunciations and isolation… Following the strategy that Democratic President John F. Kennedy began in 1962 when he applied the trade embargo against Cuba, which remains in place to this day. These policies —although they have not managed to change regimes— have been very popular among some Latino voters. Especially among those who come from those countries.

But… let’s go back to the present.

Trump’s campaign is not the only one to use this rhetoric. The Democrats, in their own way, do it too.

Syra: For example, in 2020, there were ads that compared Trump, or positioned him as a leader, right? Which is a strongman in Latin America.

Julio: And the same thing happened this year.

Syra: A political action committee, right? What they call a PAC in English put up a billboard near Hialeah, which is mostly Cuban, and it said no to dictators, no to Trump. And on one side of the billboard was Fidel Castro, right? And on the other side was Trump and that has caused a kind of stir in the Cuban community here. Because many said this is offensive, right? Fidel was a murderer, nothing worse than Fidel. So to speak, right? And I mean, there were also real people who supported the comparison. People who are Democrats, people who are anti-Trump because they said, well, Trump is also authoritarian.

Music

Syra: But for me that’s an example of how many immigrants continue to live the stories of their countries even though they are far from them. And how that impacts the public dialogue, like what the politicians say here in South Florida.

Julio: But… what works with some voters, doesn’t work with all.

Syra: To the Puerto Rican, right? They don’t have that history with leftist governments or socialist governments in Latin America. So, I would tell you that as a member of that community who observes how people talk about these political issues, that is not on the radar.

Julio: For Puerto Ricans living in the United States, their main concerns are other things: the health system, corruption, crime… And the support they receive from the Federal Government. Especially on issues like the electricity crisis that has been going on in Puerto Rico for years.

Let us remember that Puerto Rico is an unincorporated territory of the United States— some would say a colony.

So, these messages that link the Democratic Party with communism or socialism in Latin America do not work for all communities. And neither for all ages. Not all young Latinos are attracted to this issue.

Syra: I see them more focused on domestic issues like the economy and inflation, right? More than what is happening in the country where their parents —or grandparents— left and moved to the United States.

Julio: An example of this is the new generation of Cuban-Americans. They are much less interested in policies directed towards Cuba. And whose focus is not on punishing the regime on the island either.

And this is not the only thing that has changed. The political dynamics throughout Florida have been transformed over the years…

Syra: Well, we have definitely seen that the state has moved towards the Republican vote in recent years. And there is no single factor that has led to these political changes.

Julio: Syra says that this is because, in Florida, the Republican political machine is better funded and organized than the Democratic party.

Syra: And that has been demonstrated, right? In voter registration efforts. For example, in mid-August, 1 million more Republican voters were registered than Democratic voters.

Julio: That is to say… In Florida there are, currently, more than five million active Republican voters. And 4.33 million Democratic voters.

And this change occurred in less than 10 years. In 2018, Florida’s current governor, Ron DeSantis, beat Democratic candidate Andrew Gillium by less than 1% of the vote. At that time, Democrats still had an advantage over Republicans in terms of registered voters.

Syra: Regarding Hispanics in particular, they have launched initiatives such as civic clinics where they helped immigrants study for their citizenship exams. So even before they become citizens, right? They are already planting the seed that it is the Republican Party that is helping them.

Julio: Syra told me that certain demographic changes also influenced this state to change color.

Syra: The population in Florida has increased over the last four years. Governor Ron DeSantis has promoted the state as a Republican stronghold and that has certainly brought in new residents.

Julio: The fact that Trump is a Florida resident also helped bring about this change.

Syra: There are also a lot of older people who retire here. Many of them are conservative. There is one community that comes to mind, which is The Villages, which is close to Orlando. And they have seen a significant increase in their population in recent years. And it is a super pro-Trump, super Republican bastion.

Julio: Despite this, the truth is that the panorama here is still unclear.

Julio: After the break… In these elections, citizens will not only choose who will occupy the presidency. In states like Florida, it will also be decided whether or not to legalize abortion. We will be back.

JULIO: We are back at El péndulo. I am Julio Vaqueiro.

Julio: We have been talking about diversity in Florida… That there is everything here. It is practically a stew of Latin American countries.

And with that comes a spectrum of policies from our native countries.

As an example, we have an urgent issue throughout the hemisphere in recent years: the right to abortion.

The green tide, named after the green scarves that symbolize support for the right to abortion, has driven change in Latin America. The result is that in several countries there is more access to reproductive rights than before.

Charo Valero: Places like Argentina, Mexico, Colombia, Uruguay.

Julio: This is Charo Valero, Florida state director for the National Latina Institute for Reproductive Justice.

In 2022, when the U.S. Supreme Court eliminated constitutional protection for the right to abortion, many states —including Florida— changed their laws.

That same year, the 15-week ban was passed and the next year, the six-week ban was passed. So there have been many changes in Florida recently.

Julio: So, six weeks of gestation —when the vast majority of women do not know they are pregnant. The result, says Charo, is a contrast for many Latinas… between more access in their home countries… and more restrictions here.

You have your ideas about freedom and access and how things are going to be, how things are going to be here and you realize that we are much further ahead in our countries than we are here. In our countries, we are moving forward, we are fighting, we are struggling for reproductive justice and it feels like in this country we are going backwards.

Julio: Charo says that there are still many people who don’t know what the law is in Florida right now. Of course, it’s an understandable confusion: it has changed twice in the last two years. And it may change again in this election. Voters will be able to decide if they want to change the state Constitution to enshrine the right to abortion up to the point of fetal viability, around 23 weeks for many pregnancies. It’s called Amendment 4.

Julio: The group Charo works for is part of a coalition promoting that constitutional change, the amendment. It’s called Florida Protecting Liberty, and they want to convince Hispanic voters. They campaign in Spanish, and with a message that, according to them, is tailor-made for Latinos.

Charo: The values ​​that we focus on are respect, autonomy, and freedom. Family. Compassion and non-judgment. Privacy. Those are the five values ​​that we have seen that really connect with Latino communities in Spanish.

Julio: Our producer, Alana Casanova-Burgess, was in central Florida recently, in Osceola County, observing a group in that same coalition supporting Amendment 4. A group that is trying to convince voters face to face. Hi, Alana.

ALANA: Hi, Julio.

JULIO: Tell me. Where did you go in Osceola?

Alana: I went to a very well-kept suburb with a very beautiful name: Ponciana. This visit, of course, was before the hurricane… But let Lucy Rodriguez explain it to you.

Lucy: We are knocking on doors. That is the work that we are doing. Today we formally started the Osceola program.

Alana: Lucy is the state director of Mi Vecino, an organization that promotes voting rights. The week before, they had finished their program in Orange County, a nearby county where they knocked on many doors. That day they were in a hurry.

Lucy: We knocked on almost 60,000 doors and we hope to knock on a good few before the elections here and hoping that people get motivated to go out and vote.

JULIO: Ah, so they are canvassers – pollsters.

Alana: Yes, but at least when I think of canvassers, I think of campaign volunteers. For the Mi Vecino team, campaigning is their job all year, every year… Not just during election time. It has been that way since 2021. That is important, because they are trying to create a relationship with Latino voters that goes beyond asking for their vote every four years.

Lucy: I think one of the biggest mistakes that is made here in the United States, especially in Florida, is that the campaign is very weak. When we talk to voters, they don’t know who anyone is.

Mi Vecino leaders have raised the idea that there is something abusive in the way campaigns treat Latinos. And as evidence, they point out that in Florida there are more Latino voters not affiliated with any party than Latinos registered as Democrats or Republicans. They told me that, because of that, they try to be more conscious of how to speak to Hispanics, because they can be skeptical of what the campaigns want.

JULIO: And how are you doing, with that understanding?

Alana: Well, they have made a huge effort knocking on doors, talking to people… Many times for Democratic candidates and they have not yet won any election.

But they are planning for the long term. They have registered 40 thousand new voters in the state. Last year, Governor Ron DeSantis approved new restrictions on how voters can be registered, and some groups, like Mi Vecino, stopped doing it directly.

Lucy: In this QR code here, you can register to vote if you are not

Registered voters can update or even request their vote by mail. Okay. You? Dominican? Yes, me too. Take care of yourself.

Alana: For this year, they have focused on Amendment 4. They need 60 percent of the vote for it to be approved.

This day in Poinciana, the challenge was to connect with voters they had NOT contacted before.

Lucy: Good morning, how are you? That’s great.

When Harris replaced Joe Biden, they suddenly saw an opportunity among young voters who thought they would not go to vote because they were not enthusiastic about Biden. In other words, Harris’ entry into the race could have changed the fight for abortion rights.

They had a list of houses with registered voters, and pamphlets about the amendment. Many of the Latinos in Osceola are from Puerto Rico, where there is also more right to abortion than in Florida. I went to be a fly on the wall, if people would allow me to record the conversation.

Julio: Does Mi Vecino care about voters’ party affiliation?

Alana: No. Even Trump himself isn’t entirely clear on how he’s going to vote. In August, he said he was in favor of the amendment, because six weeks isn’t enough time for a woman to make that decision. He later said he would vote no. His wife Melania said this month that women should have autonomy over their bodies, free from government intervention. Mi Vecino has found that abortion rights are not a partisan issue, so they ring the doorbell if it’s a house with signs for Trump or Harris.

They stay away from the door, to be respectful. And…

We can’t answer the door right now, but if you’d like to leave a message, you can do it now.

Alana: And this is normal? People not answering?

Lucy: Yes.

Julio: I can already imagine it, walking for hours in full sun, in the humidity, without shade. Ringing doorbells and no one comes to the door.

Alana: Yes. It’s intense. And when someone finally opens the door, you have to handle a very delicate conversation about abortion.

Although, Lucy says it’s not abortion itself.

Lucy: Amendment Four is not just abortion, I mean, it’s not abortion itself, it’s about women’s health.

Alana: These conversations begin with a short survey. Question 1: What is the most important issue in this election for you? Economy, education, gun violence, immigration or abortion.

Lucy: What are you worried about right now?

Woman: Right now it’s education for children.

Lucy: Education. Perfect, perfect. There is an initiative for people to have the right to make their own decisions, in this case women. Do you think women should have access to abortion?

Woman: No.

Lucy: Ok, let me explain. In that flyer that you have there we are talking about Amendment Four.

Alana: The proposal is called “amendment to limit government interference in abortion”. Many of the groups that support it, like Mi Vecino, talk about freedom when they talk about women’s health.

Lucy: That government interference has nothing to do with that very important decision that is your health.

Alana: Lucy tells him that there are cases of pregnant women being denied medical attention.

Lucy: So I understand as a woman that it is not fair for us to be exposed to going through so much pain or discomfort, both emotional and physical, without any need. In other words, what is being sought with amendment four is that the Government does not interfere, that they are not the ones who make the decision, because it is not about the abortion itself, but about our health.

Julio: And? How did the lady react?

Alana: At first, with doubts.

Woman: If they accept it’s okay. Health, that is the first thing, that is the most important thing. But not everyone is going to know, so a lot of people are going to take advantage of that door to do things that I really don’t think they should do.

Lucy: I understand your part and I really agree with you. I’m a Christian and I have my point of view regarding that, but my main part here is women’s health and I also understand that we live in a free country. I mean, it can’t be that the government comes to my house to tell me what I have to do with my husband.

Alana: She ended up answering “I’m not sure.” They’ll call her for another conversation.

Julio: Does that happen a lot? People going from no to “I need more information”?

Alana: Well, Lucy tries not to debate the issue with people who are already super decided to vote no, but I saw versions of that same conversation several times when she saw an opportunity.

Alana: When you refer to health, um… Tell me a little more.

Lucy: When I say health, I mean if you end up in the hospital.

Alana: And what Mi Vecino and these other coalition groups hope is that voters think about the complications of the ban before they get to the polls. That “no” is their first response to the amendment, but not the last.

Julio: I heard Lucy share a bit of her religious perspective in her conversation. I’m sure there are a lot of people who are taking their religion into account when deciding how to vote.

Alana: Yes, many people receive messages against the amendment within the church. On the other hand, Catholics for the Right to Decide are campaigning in Florida with Mi Vecino.

Lucy: My faith is strong. I believe a lot in God. That is not negotiable. But that does not take away from me, on the contrary. I do not believe that God would do that. Let someone die. Do you understand? So, I understood the medical part. The health part that we are working for. The fourth amendment.

Alana: Lucy has changed her own perspective as well.

Lucy: I was lacking knowledge, really, yes. Because I was born in a Christian home. I had not gone deeper because like when they talk about abortion, they talk about abortion and that’s it, “I went to a party. I did not take care of myself”. People think about that. But here we are talking about something worse.

Alana: There is one case in particular that has affected her greatly. A 28-year-old mother, Amber Nicole Thurman, who died in Georgia because doctors waited 20 hours to treat her when she had an incomplete abortion.

Lucy: But by the time they made the decision, it was too late. They let her die. That was very bad.

Julio: Is the law in Georgia similar to that in Florida, right?

Alana: Yes. In Georgia and Florida, abortions are only allowed after six weeks if the pregnancy poses an immediate danger to the health of the woman and the fetus. State authorities have tried to clarify the restriction several times since May. But there are testimonies from doctors who say that the law prevents them from helping their patients. And there have been horrible cases in the state as well. In Florida, if a doctor performs an illegal abortion, he can face up to five years in prison and a fine of five thousand dollars.

Julio: Do ​​these very delicate conversations always have to do with urgent cases or medical emergencies?

Alana: Not always. Some voters didn’t rate her answer that highly.

Man: Yes. Yes, yes. A woman should have, you know, the power of what she does with her body.

Alana: But there are a lot of people who are undecided. And when Lucy and others from Mi Vecino talk to men, specifically, they talk about the man’s responsibility to protect his family from the government and they notice that that also helps convince them, at least, to consider it.

Lucy: Do you think that people should have access to abortion?

Man: No.

Alana: That’s what happened with a young father from Brazil.

Lucy: So the issue that we are working on with the fourth amendment is because we don’t want the government to interfere in the decision of your home, when it is something that has to do with your doctor and a very personal decision between you. That’s what the fourth amendment refers to.

Man: It’s very complex, isn’t it? I think it has… I have to think about it.

Julio: The vote is coming in a few weeks. Do Mi Vecino know how Latinos are going to vote yet?

Alana: The group shared the results of their surveys with me. From 11,000 conversations with voters, they found that 56 percent would vote yes. Among Latinos alone, it was 52 percent. And that wouldn’t be enough. 60 percent is needed for the amendment to pass.

They still have more doors to knock on.

Lucy: Thank you, have a nice day.

Julio: Thank you, Alana.

Credits

Desirée: El Péndulo is a co-production of Radio Ambulante Studios and Noticias Telemundo.

Julio Vaqueiro of Noticias Telemundo is the host. This episode was reported and produced by Mariana Zúñiga and Alana Casanova-Burgess [bir-jess]. Editing is by Eliezer Budasoff and Daniel Alarcón.

I’m Desirée Yépez, the digital producer. Jess Alvarenga is the production assistant. Geraldo Cadava is an editorial consultant. Ronny Rojas did the fact checking. Music, mixing and sound design are by Andrés Azpiri. Graphic design and art direction are by Diego Corzo.

At Noticias Telemundo, Gemma García is the executive vice president, and Marta Planells is the senior digital director. Adriana Rodriguez is a senior producer, and José Luis Osuna is in charge of the series’ video journalism.

At Radio Ambulante Studios, Natalia Ramírez is the product director, with support from Paola Aleán. Community management is by Juan David Naranjo Navarro. Camilo Jiménez Santofimio is the director of alliances and financing. Carolina Guerrero is executive producer of Central and CEO of Radio Ambulante Studios.

El péndulo is made possible with funding from the Jonathan Logan Family Foundation, an organization that supports initiatives that transform the world.

You can follow us on social media as @ [at] central series RA and subscribe to our newsletter at centralpodcast dot audio.

I’m Desirée Yépez, thanks for listening.

Ep. 2 Nevada

EP Tile Episodio 2 Nevada 1400x1401 1

Man: In Las Vegas, Nevada, with…

Julio: You don’t even remember the name

Man: Wait, wait, wait.

Julio: Julio Vaqueiro.

Man: Julio Vaqueiro. You’re the one I watch the most here…

Julio: Thank you, thank you.

Man: ¡Arriba Las Vegas y arriba México!

Julio: This week we are in Las Vegas, Nevada and we came to talk about money. Not the money from the casinos, or from the hotel rooms, or the tips… But about the family economy of millions of people, in one of the most important and decisive states in this year’s elections.

It seems that everyone has it in mind.

Audio file, news

Host: House prices in Nevada have doubled.

Reporter: Seven dollars that’s what it cost me to buy this gallon of milk and these dozen eggs.

Tik Tok user: Family of four. Cost of living in Las Vegas Nevada. Rent: $1,600. Electric: $250. Grocery: $800. Gas…

Julio: According to polls, a quarter of voters in Nevada say the economy is their top concern. And it makes perfect sense. Nevada has the worst unemployment rate in the country, 5.5%. Food and gas prices are among the most expensive. And housing costs have skyrocketed.

If this were a normal year, this kind of data… would be very bad news for anyone in a position of power. Like, say, a sitting vice president. But this is not an ordinary year.

So, how much does the economy matter in 2024? And what plans do the two candidates have to address the pain and concern felt by all voters, not just Latino voters?

I’m Julio Vaqueiro.

This is El Péndulo: the Latino vote from five states that will decide the presidential elections in the United States. A podcast by Noticias Telemundo and Radio Ambulante Studios.

Today… Nevada.

Julio: Las Vegas. You are probably thinking about the lights of the famous Strip, its reputation, deserved or not, of a certain decadence… About the city where the party seems to never end.

But behind this facade, of what the tourist perhaps sees, there is another reality. The reality of the workforce that sustains this illusion, a workforce that is mainly Latino. To understand it better, we left the tourist center of Las Vegas, and went north for half an hour…

Marta: We are here at the Swami, which many people call the flea.

Julio: This is Marta Fabiola Vazquez. Marta has worked here since 1995. At Broadacre Marketplace. This is a swap meet, or an open-air market, in the north of Las Vegas. It is in the area with the most Latinos in the city. And this is where those who work in the most touristic area of ​​Las Vegas come to shop. It is the typical market that has everything…

Marta: Tacos, seafood, Chinese food, crepes, popcorn, birria…

Julio: They sell toys, clothes, hats, jewelry… But people come to Broadacre not only to buy.

Marta: They have dancing, mariachi bands. There are people who come for fun. There are mechanical games and many things for children too.

Julio: Marta started selling clothes and accessories. But 10 years ago she changed jobs. She opened her first food stand: Mr. Papas. And she began to sell typical dishes from her hometown, Guadalajara.

Marta: At this stand I have mostly original products from where I come from. Here we sell espiropapas, salchipulpos, salchitacos…

Julio: So, you have this stand and you have other stands here in the market. How many more?

Marta: There are seven in total.

Julio: And how did you manage to have so many stands here in the market?

Marta: Well, I have a lot of children.

Julio: Hahaha, you put them all to work.

Marta: We put them all to work.

Julio: And it’s not only his children who work in the market…

Marta: Well, the whole family works. My dad, my nieces, my nephews, my cousins ​​work.

Julio: It’s the Guadalajara mafia in the Las Vegas market.

Marta: Almost, almost, yes.

Julio: Marta came to the United States more than 30 years ago with her parents. They first settled in Los Angeles, but four years later they moved to Las Vegas. Right at the time when the Latino population in Nevada began to grow. In part, thanks to the construction of hotels and casinos.

Marta: It was a city that was just starting with Latinos and there were many very interesting job offers.

Julio: Through hard work and effort, Marta became middle class, equal to 57% of Latino families in Nevada. This percentage is higher than any other state in the country.

Marta was able to buy a house, send her children to college, save and help her entire family. But not everything is as good as it seems. Over time, things have changed. The business is not what it used to be either. It all started with the pandemic. Like any business in the world, hers was affected. Normal. But, when the world reopened…

Marta: It was like never before, like never before. I could tell you that sales increased by 200% after the pandemic.

Julio: This didn’t last long. Nevada’s economy was practically suffocated during the pandemic. This state had the highest unemployment rate in the entire country, almost 31%. And more than twelve thousand people died. When everything was over, people began to get their jobs back. And some, like Marta, even did very well. But the wound remained latent. Throughout Nevada, the economy is still affected. And now, the challenge is to deal with the high cost of living.

Marta: People are already afraid to spend. They no longer spend as they used to, they no longer go out as they used to. Prices are sky-high for food, for everything.

Julio: For everything. But of course, some things more than others.

Julio: What has gone up in price for you, let’s say, what ingredient has become the most expensive?

Marta: Meat. Definitely meat. Four years ago it cost you $2.39 a pound and today it’s $4.50 a pound. In other words, we’re talking about more than double. Cheese is also sky-high. Before, a pound of cheese cost you $2, now a pound of cheese costs you almost $6. Potatoes cost me $17 a box. Now they cost $35.

Julio: Oh, but that’s a lot.

Marta: A lot.

Julio: And so we continued for a while. Comparing prices. Talking about cream, eggs, butter. We talked so much that our pockets even started to hurt. And with that in mind, I had a question for Marta.

Julio: In this presidential election, what is the most important issue for you?

Marta: The economy. The prices of all things, gas, rents. Everything that has to do with what comes out of all of our pockets.

Julio: Different versions of this conversation were repeated throughout the day, but with different people. Everyone agreed on the same thing: prices are too high. But of course, you can’t agree on everything. In general, there was no consensus in the market about which candidate has more tools to improve the economy.

Julio: Which of the two candidates do you think will solve the economy better?

Lady 1: The economy? Donald Trump has more experience in the financial and economic areas.

Julio: Listen. Which of the two candidates do you think will solve the economy better?

Lady 2: Kamala.

Julio: Kamala Harris?

Lady 2: Yes.

Julio: Which of the two presidential candidates do you think will solve the economy better?

Lady 3: Trump, definitely. Because even during the Pandemic everything was fine. Everyone had money.

Julio: Which of the two economic proposals do you like best? Trump’s or Kamala Harris’s?

Lady 4: Kamala’s.

Lady 5: I like her because she has good values ​​and knows more about the situation of us middle-class and non-middle-class migrant workers, hehe.

Julio: For her part, Marta is still not so clear about it.

Marta: In my family they are divided. In my family some believe this one is better and the other half believes that one is better.

Julio: And what do you think?

Marta: I think we already had Donald Trump. And I think that the economy was better. But afterwards it was worse, because I have felt it worse. After him. But he is bad at dividing us all. And I, as an immigrant, feel that he divides us more every day, instead of uniting us in this country and I feel that we are divided with him.

Julio: We found, well, a lot of division. We even met a young man who was afraid to tell us who he was going to vote for.

Young man: It’s just that… I don’t want to talk about politics.

Julio: Yeah

Young man: It’s a subject that I don’t want to risk. Well, if I say something it can affect things in the future. Because people, well, you know… they are all canceling.

Julio: He says he is afraid of being canceled. That is, if he says who he plans to vote for, that could affect his business here in the market.

Young man: For me, my positions are personal. But for me the most important thing is the family. Well, I am not going to fight because someone has an opinion about something else.

Julio: He says this because his parents, who have lived here for 25 years, are undocumented. His own family is divided. But this is not at all unusual in Nevada. A recent survey says that Harris has a small advantage of 0.6%. Which means that the state is practically divided in half.

Julio: Now that you tell me that the most important thing is the family, are you worried, for example, that one of the candidates, Donald Trump, talks about mass deportations?

Young man: Yes, I am worried, well, for all the people who are affected by that. My bosses are not affected by that because they are already in the process of getting residency. They have work permits and all that.

Julio: But, there were other people willing to give their opinion and openly say who they will vote for.

Lady: My corn hair. I am going to defend my corn hair. That is what Mexicans affectionately call the former president…

Julio: Is that what they call him? My corn hair?

Lady: My corn hair… they love him, they love him.

Julio: Walking through the market we came across a stand that said: Latin Americans for Trump, campaigning.

Julio: And what they are doing here is registering them?

Lady: This is for people who are not registered, right? They still have time to register.

Julio: How long have you been here?

Lady: This is our third Sunday… third Saturday.

Julio: How are you?

Bárbaro: Very well.

Julio: Very well, what is your name?

Bárbaro: Bárbaro Álvarez.

Julio: What are you doing here?

Bárbaro: Well, we walk around and find little places like these to come and support Trump. That man is the one who is going to free my country.

Julio: Are you sure that you are going to vote for Trump?

Bárbaro: I am completely sure. I even dream about him.

Julio: The polls say that the electoral race will be extremely close in Nevada. In 2016 and 2020 Trump lost in this state by a very small margin. But this time, the economic malaise could play in his favor. However, victory is something almost impossible to predict. In Nevada, a third of the voters are independents, and that makes this state unpredictable. In recent months, both Donald Trump and Kamala Harris have visited Nevada on several occasions. And in fact, she was here, in the Broadacres market, last March. Several months before becoming a candidate.

Audio, news archive

Journalist: The vice president came there to greet her supporters…

Adele: She came here to the swap meet one day, I took a photo of her. She came here and said: Hi! And I was very happy. I thought it was spectacular. And I didn’t know what it was… She was going to be president. Imagine, now she’s going to help more.

Julio: She’s Adele, she has a stand in the market where she sells Pokemon stuffed animals. I asked her about Harris’s economic proposals.

Julio: Do ​​you know her proposals well?

Adele: Well, look, I’m not good at watching television. I’m good at talking, but not at watching. But from what I hear from my colleagues and everything, most people at my work are with Kamala.

Julio: Many other people in the market also didn’t know what each candidate’s proposals were. So, we called an economist.

After the break: The answer.

Julio: We’re back at El Péndulo. I’m Julio Vaqueiro.

Sara Avila: Well, the thing is that Nevada is a state that has a very large Latino population.

Julio: This is Sara Avila, economist and professor at the University of Colorado, Boulder. Colorado and Nevada are almost neighbors. And they are part of the mountain states.

Sara: 28% of the population is Latino. And therefore, they have suffered the impact of inflation and rising interest rates.

Julio: And the fact is that, although inflation hits the pockets of all Americans, not everyone experiences it in the same way. According to the Federal Reserve of New York, in recent years inflation has affected Latino and African-American households more. For example, in 2021, when transportation prices began to rise, the inflation rate for Latinos exceeded the national average by more than 1.5%.

Sara: Well, I don’t want to generalize. There are very successful Latinos, right? Very rich. But most Latinos are from the working class and therefore inflation hits us much harder, right? For the poor, who are wage earners, inflation hits you particularly hard. And in Nevada, gasoline has gone up 55% in the last four years. Food, 20%. Housing, let’s say rent payments, went up almost 20%. And so, that’s why there is a lot of concern about the economy in states like Nevada. But, in fact, in the whole country.

Julio: You know, we went to Las Vegas, we talked to some Latinos, Latino voters, and yes, in general, they all tell us that they feel that life is more expensive.

Lady: You can’t go to a market, you go with $200. A family with four or five children with $200 can’t get what they need.

Julio: But, inflation right now is at 2.5%, which is low. Why do we still feel that life is so expensive?

Sara: Look, there are things that have increased in price a lot in recent times and it was gradual. Housing, education, health… and these things are very expensive, but one doesn’t use them too much. When it comes to increasing daily expenses in the last four years, it hit hard.

Julio: The thing is, although the data show that inflation has gone down, it’s not just about numbers anymore, but about perception. And voters feel that life in the United States has become unaffordable.

Julio: So, on one hand it was that, the price of things. And on the other hand, also in this market that we went to visit, they talked a lot about how they feel that people are spending less.

Lady 1: Everything is going up and sales are going down.

Lady 2: People are also afraid to spend because they hear so many things. It is heard that there is going to be a depression.

Lady 3: They buy less materials, like the ones we sell, yes.

Julio: Is that feeling true?

Sara: That is totally true. When you know that you are in a precarious situation, well, you hold back buying shoes, you hold back buying vehicles, you hold back… And yes, it does affect precisely in that you stop buying and therefore the economy slows down even more.

Julio: But do you think that we are like there in a recession or entering into some kind of recession?

Sara: The thing is that it is not a recession, I mean, there is quite a serious consensus that it is not a recession, because a recession would be like our Latin American countries, when prices rose terribly and we no longer had enough to eat. The thing is that we have had an increase in salaries. The thing is that it is still very painful to have the price of gasoline and the price of groceries go up, but the salary also continues to go up. So we are dragging along, but we still reach a level that allows us to eat, right?

Julio: If you had to say in a sentence or in an idea… How has the life of Latinos changed in the last four years in economic terms?

Sara: You know what Julio, the thing is that Latinos are not a homogeneous group. Everyone says it, but it would be better to explain how the economy has affected different sectors of Latinos, that is, poor Latinos, rich Latinos. And there is also a very important difference by gender. Women and men have suffered differently from this crisis. It turns out that in recent years women have had more job opportunities, for example, than men.

Julio: And that gender gap could be reflected when it comes to voting. According to some surveys, Latina women tend to vote more for Democrats than men.

Sara: Since the pandemic, Latino income has increased considerably. No, net, no. Other groups have always been richer, right? But we have grown faster and surprisingly, the sector that has grown the fastest is that of young Latina women who have just graduated from college and who, with great sacrifice, their parents put them in schools with good education and who now have a professional job and have grown. Latina women have grown at a higher rate than the state of Florida in the last three years. Imagine the size of the economy. And this means that anything that affects the economy affects Latinas and their families.

Julio: Now let’s talk about the candidates’ proposals. First we start with Trump. Mass deportations, which is one of the great proposals of former President Donald Trump, he wants to deport millions of immigrants as a solution to improve the country’s economy.

Audio file, Donald Trump: 

I will send them all back to their countries where they belong. Prices will come down, and come down dramatically.

Julio: But can this work?

Sara: Donald Trump’s idea is that by deporting these people, they will leave their homes, their jobs, and someone else will use them. But we must remember that all immigrants are in a society interwoven with each other. So, most likely there are also citizen people in the families who would stay here living in the house, right? So the houses would not be unfit.

Julio: Deporting millions of people is not only very complicated to achieve, in logistical terms, but it would also require a lot of money. In addition, it would be harmful to the economy. Experts warn that deporting just 1 million workers could generate an economic recession.

Sara: If you get rid of all these workers right now, what you will generate is an economic problem of enormous proportions, not only because of the lack of workers, but because of the lack of consumption. Immigrants also consume, eat and contribute a lot of money in terms of taxes, social security… So, it would be a real disaster for the economy.

Julio: Another of Trump’s proposals has to do with tariffs.

Audio file, Donald Trump

Other countries are going to finally, after 75 years, pay us back after all that we have done for the world.

Julio: Trump proposes to increase taxes on all products that are imported into the United States. Especially those that come from China. In theory, this policy is not new. At the end of his first term, Trump imposed some tariffs on China. And in fact, Joe Biden maintained them.

Sara: Today, when China sells batteries, gloves, electric vehicles, masks, magnets to the United States… China pays between 7.5%, 20%, and even a little more tariff on entry.

Julio: This depends on the product, of course. For Trump, this policy would force companies to manufacture more things in the United States. And this, according to him, would create millions of jobs. Because more people would be needed to produce. But, the first time he tried to implement this measure, this did not happen.

Sara: This makes certain things go up in price. Whenever there are tariffs, the first impact is an increase in prices.

Julio: And now, Trump not only wants to increase tariffs on China. But to impose this tax on everything that comes from another country.

Sara: No economist agrees that it is a good idea to put tariffs on everyone and put such high tariffs.

Julio: We are talking about up to 20% tax on all imports.

Sara: Why the hell do you want to charge more for avocado, or guava, or pineapple and lemon, because you will never be a leading producer here. And no, you have no interest in protecting anyone. You only increase prices. For all of us who live in the United States, having to pay a million to eat your bread with avocado. And maybe that’s the least of it. Imagine the parts of cars. When your washing machine breaks down, when you want to buy a new shirt, shoes, rackets, pans, all of that goes up because we import everything. And that’s definitely a bad idea. Putting tariffs is like shooting yourself in the foot.

Julio: Trump’s third idea to improve the economy is to reduce taxes on corporations.

Audio file, Donald Trump

And a reduction in the Corporate tax rate from 21% to 15% solely for companies that make their products in America.

Sara: If you’re one of those very successful Latinos who earns more than $837,000 a year, well, it’s good for you, because you’re going to pay $60,000 less in taxes. If you’re one of the not-so-rich who earns less, you’re going to get a reduction in your taxes, maybe $70 in the short term. And that’s great, right? The problem is that these dollars will no longer reach the public treasury and then we will have less money for defense, less money for public health, less money for education, etc. You increase the national debt and in general terms, you weaken your institutions. So, when you see the long-term impacts, at the end of the day the average American household loses and ultimately you benefit the richest. While the rest are not affected directly, but indirectly.

Julio: Last August, during a press conference, Trump announced another of his great wishes in terms of economic policy.

Sara: He wants to lower the Federal Reserve interest rate by decree. The Federal Reserve in the United States is the Central Bank.

Audio file, Donald Trump:

I feel the president should have at least say in there, yeah. I feel that strongly. I think that in my case, I made a lot of money. I was very successful. And I think I have a better instinct than, in many cases, people who would be on the Federal Reserve or the chairman.

Julio: That’s not in the power of a president, is it?

Sara: Absolutely.

Audio file, Kamala Harris

The Fed is an independent entity. And as president, I would never interfere.

Julio: And yes, the Federal Reserve is technically an independent entity. So it’s not clear if Trump would actually have the power to control it. But in the hypothetical case that he could, according to some experts, this could affect the economy.

Sara: What happens? There is uncertainty. This is what happens when you want to control the Federal Reserve, uncertainty increases and it bounces back on you. All the interest rates are going to go through the roof, because nobody believes what they say anymore. And that’s the problem.

The whole economy works only on trust. They give you a dollar bill and out of trust you believe that it’s worth a dollar. Because it’s actually a piece of paper. So, the economy really works on trusting that this is going to be respected. When the Central Bank says we are lowering interest rates, it is important that we all believe that interest rates are going down, and when interest rates are going up, it is important that we believe that they are going up.

Julio: So, if the central bank becomes politicized, that trust could be lost. In Latin America we have examples of this trend, countries where this has already happened: Venezuela and Argentina. To mention a few, and in those countries, rampant inflation was unleashed.

Julio: But anyway. So, what do you think if now we talk about Kamala Harris’ proposals to improve the economy, what does she propose?

Sara: There are at least three proposals from Kamala that are very clear, although she also does not have exactly how they would work, but at least she has said and repeated them, right?

Audio file, Kamala Harris: 

As president I will take on the high cost that matters most to most Americans. Like the cost of food. And I will work to pass the first ever federal ban on price gouging on food.

July: The first proposal of his campaign is a federal decree to prohibit speculation with prices, especially for food. Which went up a lot during the pandemic.

Audio file, Kamala Harris

We all know that prices went up during the pandemic when the supply chains shut down and failed. But our supply chains have now improved and prices are still too high.

Sara: But eventually the production chains restart and some retailers, some sellers, continue charging a lot. So it is said: Hey, how is it possible? We are going to prohibit this abuse. The only problem is that it is very difficult to monitor the costs of companies. They have zero incentive to tell you what their costs are, right? How do we know how much Walmart costs Home Depot, Walgreens? We don’t know. So, are you charging more because it really costs you more, or are you charging more because you are abusing the consumer? The truth is that it is very difficult to know, right? It is very difficult.

Julio: Can there be any negative consequences of the government directly intervening in controlling the production distribution processes of a company and of certain products?

Sara: That is another problem. Yes, it is true that costs are very high and you artificially lower them. It is a huge problem. It could even create a black market, right? And if these alterations in the markets generate a lot of instability and losses in well-being. The product could very well have been sold, it could have been produced and it is not done because there is a limit on the price.

Julio: Well, what are Kamala Harris’s other proposals?

Audio file, Kamala Harris

Let’s talk about the cost of housing.

Sara: One is her idea of ​​housing construction.

Audio file, Kamala Harris

We need to lower the cost of housing. The supply is too low.

Sara: The idea of ​​housing construction comes because we have a frightening housing deficit.

Julio: There are not enough houses and that makes prices skyrocket.

Lady: Houses have risen too much. I mean everything, all the inflation.

Julio: This causes great concern among voters. In fact, 3 out of 4 Latinos say they are worried about the cost of housing.

Sara: But I’ll also tell you something, there is no housing shortage for billionaires. Builders have every incentive to continue serving this millionaire market that is willing to pay a lot for million-dollar homes. But the problem is that they have no incentive to build homes for ordinary people. These little houses with three bedrooms, one bathroom, or two. Those are the ones that have not been built and those are the ones that Kamala says she wants to promote.

Julio: Harris’ plan is basically focused on supply. She wants to build three million homes in four years, to address the shortage. In addition, she wants to give families who buy for the first time financial support: $25,000 for the down payment.

Sara: And that would also help a group that has been less privileged and that includes mostly Hispanics and African Americans. Few minorities are as attached to this desire to get ahead and fulfill the American dream and have your home, to have your future secured, as Hispanics. We have the goal set and I think that does affect the decisions we make a lot.

Julio: Not all economists seem convinced by Harris’ proposal. Some experts believe that the $25,000 check could trigger demand in the real estate sector. And that this could fuel the high prices that they are trying to combat.

Sara: And the other is her idea of ​​supporting child care.

Audio file, Kamala Harris: 

We know this works and has a direct impact on so many issues, including child poverty.

Sara: In other words, subsidizing the person to be able to leave a child in a daycare center, while the parents basically go to work. The simple fact of having someone to take care of your child while you work is a huge support.

Julio: And the thing is that this kind of service is usually very expensive. Almost prohibitive. In Nevada, for example, parents can pay almost a thousand dollars a month for daycare. In addition to this subsidy, Harris also wants to offer up to $6,000 to low-income families with newborn children.

On the other hand, she wants to raise taxes on millionaires and big companies. And although she hasn’t said so, it is assumed that this is how she will finance her economic plan.

Julio: Now, for a long time it was thought that what Latinos were most interested in was the immigration issue and that was a way to attract Latino voters. But now we have realized that Latinos, like the rest of the electorate, care most about the economy, at least in this election cycle. What does this tell you?

Sara: Yes, Latinos are definitely no longer very interested in immigration as it was once assumed. That doesn’t mean that we don’t care, but the economy is the most important thing.

or more importantly, it’s because the vast majority of Latinos are working class and anything that affects the economy affects us all.

Julio: Sara, thank you very much for talking with us today.

Sara: Likewise. Thank you very much Julio.

Julio: Next week on El Péndulo, we’re going to Florida to understand how the different Latino communities that live there vote.

Syra: Many Hispanics here in Florida vote with their homes, their countries of origin, in mind.

Julio: Thanks for listening!

Mariana: El Péndulo is a co-production of Radio Ambulante Studios and Noticias Telemundo.

Julio Vaqueiro of Noticias Telemundo is the host. This episode was reported and produced by Jess Alvarenga and me, Mariana Zúñiga.

Alana Casanova-Burgess is our executive producer. Editing is by Silvia Viñas, Eliezer Budasoff and Daniel Alarcón.

Desirée Yépez is our digital producer. Geraldo Cadava is an editorial consultant. Ronny Rojas did the fact checking. The music, mixing, and sound design are by Andrés Azpiri. The graphic design and art direction are by Diego Corzo.

At Noticias Telemundo, Gemma García is the executive vice president, and Marta Planells is the senior digital director. Adriana Rodriguez is a senior producer, and José Luis Osuna is in charge of the series’ video journalism.

At Radio Ambulante Studios, Natalia Ramírez is the product director, with support from Paola Aleán. Community management is by Juan David Naranjo Navarro. Camilo Jiménez Santofimio is the director of alliances and financing. Carolina Guerrero is executive producer of Central and CEO of Radio Ambulante Studios.

El péndulo is made possible with funding from the Jonathan Logan Family Foundation, an organization that supports initiatives that transform the world.

You can follow us on social media as @ [at] central series RA and subscribe to our newsletter at centralpodcast dot audio.

I’m Mariana Zuñiga, and thank you for listening.

EP. 1 Pennsylvania

EP Tile Episodio 1 Pennsylvania 1400x1401 1

JULIO VAQUEIRO: This episode contains strong or violent language and may not be suitable for all listeners.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: I’m Julio Vaqueiro. Welcome to El Péndulo: the Latino vote from five states that will decide the presidential elections in the United States. A podcast by Noticias Telemundo and Radio Ambulante Studios.

Let’s start with something simple, sharp: these presidential elections could be decided in the first state we want to focus on… Pennsylvania. I’m not saying it, the experts who observe and study the electoral maps are saying it. They tell us that the candidate who wins this state will almost certainly win the presidency.

For decades, Pennsylvania was one of those blue states that Democrats always counted on. Until 2016, when Donald Trump won by less than 45,000 votes. It was a key and surprising victory… No Republican had achieved it since 1988. And that victory helped take him to the White House.

Then, four years ago… things changed again. This time, Joe Biden also won by a small margin… Only 80,000 votes, just a little bit over one percent.

These two results confirm that every vote counts…

And that Pennsylvania is now one of those swing states.

In El Péndulo we are not going to predict who will win in Pennsylvania, or in the other four states we are going to visit. That is not what this podcast is about. What we want to do is understand what role we, Latinos, can play in these elections.

In the case of Pennsylvania, until relatively recently, when one spoke of “Latinos in Pennsylvania” one was referring to the voter of Puerto Rican origin who lived in Philadelphia and who almost always voted Democrat. But now it is a different picture. Now, more than half of the Latinos in Pennsylvania live in smaller cities in the east of the state, in places like Allentown, Lancaster, Hazleton, Reading and York. All towns that have been revitalized in the last twenty years by new Dominican, Puerto Rican and Mexican communities.

The change has been so significant that the area even has a new name. Before, it was the “rust belt.” And now… “the Latino belt.”

MSNBC ARCHIVE: “Both campaigns are trying to win over voters in the state’s Latino belt”.

TELEMUNDO ARCHIVE: Have you heard this expression? The Latino belt.

It is a key area. The two candidates, Donald Trump and Kamala Harris, have campaigned here during these last frenetic weeks of the contest. If Pennsylvania as a state is unpredictable, this region of the state is going to be particularly contested.

And, for that reason, we wanted to know. We sent our editor, Daniel Alarcón, with our producer Alana Casanova-Burgess to the so-called Latino belt. Hello, Daniel.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Hello, Julio.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: What did you expect to find there?

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Well, we went because we didn’t know exactly what to expect. There’s a lot of talk about the power of the Latino vote in this election, but the truth is that there are several Latino votes across the country.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: Sure. Each state has its own dynamics, and that’s why in this series we’re going to visit five swing states.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Yes, it seems like no one can define exactly what the Latino vote is or if it still exists. It’s almost incomprehensible. And that’s why we went to a place in Pennsylvania where the Latino vote has a history and a present that’s quite complicated and frankly difficult to decipher.

A city called Hazleton. A little bit more than two hours northwest of Philadelphia.

And I want you to know about the history of this place, because it’s important… So  Julio, I want to start in Hazleton, but 30 years ago. Two gentlemen we met there, Amilcar and Daniel, are going to tell us about it.

AMILCAR ARROYO: Amilcar Arroyo. I was born in Peru. I came here to pack tomatoes and I started from scratch.

DANIEL JORGE: My name is Daniel Jorge. I am Dominican. So, I am going to talk about the people I know, maybe a little bit more, which are the Dominicans.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: And both of them have been in Hazleton for a long time. They remember a Hazleton that no longer exists… When there were abandoned houses. Few businesses, very little commerce.

DANIEL JORGE: When I arrived here, at five or six in the afternoon, six in the afternoon, if I arrived at six… I didn’t see anyone on the street. Nobody. Absolutely nobody. In other words, a ghost town.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: In 2000, the vast majority of residents were of European descent, the largest group being Italians —and their families had arrived a century earlier to work in the coal mines. The Latino population in Hazleton was only five percent.

AMILCAR ARROYO: There were one hundred of us Latinos. You didn’t see a Latino, they were all white. And this is a city that is always known for being a city of old people.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: So the schools didn’t have many students either and, of course, the town had a very low taxpayer base.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: All very typical of what was being seen in many cities in the “rust belt”.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Exactly. And to give you a concrete example of this abandonment, Daniel Jorge mentioned a store, Lowe’s… It’s a huge hardware store.

DANIEL JORGE: And I went to Lowe’s, it looked like a museum. The store was so well organized because nobody bought anything. It’s the truth. It’s the truth.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: But after September 11, people began to arrive: some Mexicans; but, mainly, Dominicans from New York and other cities in the northeast… And, eventually, directly from Santo Domingo or San José de Ocoa, in the Dominican Republic.

AMILCAR ARROYO: It was a pyramid. I brought you, you brought your friend, your brother, your brother-in-law and this filled up. Just like that.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: They found a somewhat run-down city, yes, but with opportunity. Low rents, cheap housing, and work in factories and distribution warehouses. By 2007, a third of Hazleton was Latino —eight thousand more people in seven years—, a lot for a city of only thirty thousand.

AMILCAR ARROYO: They started opening groceries. They started buying houses. They started investing.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: And for many in the white community it was a huge change. And, frankly, uncomfortable.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: In just seven years it is a very dramatic change.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Yes. Suddenly, there were signs in Spanish that they couldn’t read, students in school who couldn’t speak English…

DANIEL JORGE: Instead of ten or twelve students that you had before, now you’re going to have 20. They never thought that we were going to come in such numbers. So they weren’t prepared.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: And in the midst of all this change in May 2006, there was a crime: a white man was murdered. The District Attorney charged two undocumented immigrants with the homicide.

The charges were eventually dropped for lack of evidence. But then-Mayor Lou Barletta had already cited the case as evidence that undocumented immigrants were dangerous —and that they were ruining the quality of life in Hazleton.

CBS ARCHIVE: Barletta believes what’s been going on in Hazleton, a city of about 30 thousand people, is a microcosm of what’s been going on all over the country: illegal immigrants are overwhelming his city, draining its resources, and ruining the quality of life.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: And in the summer of 2006, Barletta proposed anti-immigrant ordinances in Hazleton.

AMILCAR ARROYO: Well, anyone who helps an undocumented immigrant and has a business, is shut down. Their license is taken away. The same goes for anyone who rents a room. So it became a little terrifying. It became something against a group, it ended up being against an entire Latino race.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: So the legal status of people no longer mattered.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Not anymore. Many Latinos felt like the town was rejecting them. National media, like ‘60 Minutes’, came to tell what was happening here.

60 minutes ARCHIVE: Woman: They want the people to leave town. Steve Kroft: You think they want you to leave? Woman: I’m not going to leave. This is my home. We are here 24 years, half of my life.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Hazleton became famous throughout the country for its ordinances. More than 80 cities and towns tried to copy them.

AMILCAR ARROYO: When they passed that ordinance, racism or racist people came out of the closet. So, when I walked down the street, they would say to me… in English, they would say to me, go back to your country with your banana boat. “Hey, what are you doing here?” And I was standing here to cross and a car would stop there on red, and when I was going to cross, they would say fucking Hispanic… and they would say, I’ll tell you. And Mexican ladies who were walking, they would cross and they would insult them and all those things.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: You know, I don’t remember this happening in Hazleton but it sounds horrible, Daniel.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: From what they told us, yes. And, at that time, there was violence against Latinos too. In 2008, a Mexican man was attacked by four white boys in Shenandoah, a town not far from Hazleton. The victim died from his injuries.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: Hazleton —with racism “out of the closet,” as Amilcar told us— was supposed to be an inhospitable place for Latinos.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: It was supposed to be. But it didn’t happen that way. Those ordinances were declared unconstitutional. And despite the tensions in Hazleton and the reputation that the city had, Latinos kept coming.

And almost twenty years later, Hazleton has changed completely. There are Dominican botanical shops and barbershops, many businesses that refer to New York. Everywhere you go, you hear Spanish and Latin music.

When those ordinances were proposed, Hazleton was 30 percent Latino… Now that number exceeds 60 percent.

NOEL: You see all over the school, you see, that one is Dominican, that one is Dominican, that one is Dominican.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Like Noel, a young man who arrived two years ago, when he was thirteen.

NOEL: Are you not from there, from the Dominican Republic?

DANIEL ALARCÓN: No, I’m Peruvian.

NOEL: Ufff. Yah.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: What a shame to disappoint you! We don’t play basketball, we play soccer.

NOEL: Oh, yes, I like soccer. Messi!

DANIEL ALARCÓN: We met Noel at the gym of a community center, where he goes to play basketball with his friends.

It’s called the Hazleton Integration Project and, in addition to a gym, they also have a cafeteria where they cook for the community, classrooms where they teach classes in technology and Spanish and English, and a small library with books for children. Daniel Jorge, who we met at the beginning, is the athletics director of the center.

DANIEL JORGE: They come, form their own teams, and play.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: The day we went, of the thirty-something boys and girls playing there, almost all were Latinos, almost all Dominicans. Hazleton is no longer a ghost town, it is no longer a city of old people. It is a city of Latinos.

DANIEL JORGE: Whoever lost, has to leave. Whoever wins, keeps playing.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: After the break: who left and who keeps playing in Hazleton.

You are listening to El péndulo. We will be back.

[MIDROLL ]

JULIO VAQUEIRO: We are back on El péndulo: the Latino vote from five states that will decide the presidential elections in the United States. A podcast from Noticias Telemundo and Radio Ambulante Studios. And today: Pennsylvania.

I am Julio Vaqueiro, here with Daniel Alarcón, our editor.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Hello, hello.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: Daniel, while you were telling me about Hazleton, I couldn’t stop thinking about Springfield, that city in Ohio where, according to Trump, immigrants are eating pets. A rumor, of course, that is totally false.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Yes, yes. There is a certain echo. Like Hazleton, Springfield is a town with an industrial legacy that has been economically revitalized by the arrival of immigrants.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: And in Springfield, like in Hazleton, there was a death that changed everything. In the case of Springfield, a Haitian driver crashed into a school bus and an 11-year-old boy died.

PBS NEWS ARCHIVE: Dozens of children were injured, and 11 year old Aidan Clark died. When the driver was revealed to be a Haitian immigrant without a US license, things erupted.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: Vice-presidential candidate JD Vance and other Republicans have used the story of this child’s death in their anti-immigration speeches. And it reminds me a bit of what you told us about the former mayor of Hazleton, Lou Barletta, who spoke about the victims of undocumented immigrants…

LOU BARLETTA ARCHIVE: Everyone talks about the illegal immigrants but very seldom do we talk about the victims.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Yes. And after being mayor, Lou Barletta ran for congress, won, and in Congress he was very anti-immigrant. When Trump appeared on the national political scene, Barletta supported him almost immediately.

DONALD TRUMP ARCHIVE: I wanna introduce a very special man because he’s been a friend of mine since the beginning.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: And now, Barletta’s speech is, in essence, the immigration platform of Donald Trump’s party.

At the Republican Party convention in July of this year, for example, we saw “mass deportation now” signs.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Amilcar Arroyo, the Peruvian we spoke to in the first part… He did notice the echo.

AMILCAR ARROYO: So, what do I feel when I see those, those signs? I am already used to it because I saw the same signs here, the same signs, I saw them here.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Today, Amilcar is 75 years old, he remembers when the Republican Party seemed attractive to him. When it was his party. Amilcar left Peru in the middle of a terrible economic crisis, in the second half of the eighties.

AMILCAR ARROYO: When I became a citizen and registered to vote, I registered as a Republican because my ideal since I was in Peru was capitalist.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: Of course, we all bring our dreams to this country.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: And in a certain sense, in Hazleton he achieved the American dream. He went from canning tomatoes to opening his own business: a magazine for the Latino community called ‘El Mensajero’. And he told us about a Barletta’s rally to promote restrictive ordinances against undocumented immigrants. Amilcar went with his camera to take photos for El Mensajero and saw signs there that said, “Speak only English,” or “go back, illegal immigrant”.

AMILCAR ARROYO: Then all the people started saying, coming up to me and insulting me with bad words and saying illegal immigrants go back to your banana boat.

And when I looked around, I saw people I sat with at Chamber of Commerce’s meetings. There were people I did business with. Nobody said “I know that guy, he’s not illegal. That guy is a citizen, that’s Amílcar Arroyo”.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Two police officers approached him, not to arrest him but to rescue him from threats from his own neighbors.

AMILCAR ARROYO: I will never forget that experience. So, that’s the same thing that’s happening now. Because the effervescence that Trump has created, because you have to say it by name, is too strong and there are people who believe that what he says is like that. They believe that Latinos in general are bad, that Latinos don’t belong in this country.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: In other words, the national Republican Party moved toward an anti-immigrant stance like the one seen in Hazleton. And in the process it left out people like Amilcar. So how does he vote today?

DANIEL ALARCÓN: After that incident, Amilcar changed parties. He voted for Obama in 2008 and has voted Democrat ever since. And he told us he’ll vote for Kamala Harris in November.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: And how do you get along with your neighbors today?

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Almost 20 years later, everything Amilcar described to us is like another world.

AMILCAR ARROYO: There are no white people here in Hazleton anymore. There are no white people anymore.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Well, he’s exaggerating a bit. There are white people, but not that many. Many have left or died. And Amilcar explained to us: it’s not that the anti-immigrant and racist people of Hazleton changed their perspective. It’s that they’re simply not there anymore.

And while the Republican Party at the national level uses very anti-immigrant language, the local party in Hazleton has a completely different tactic.

Today, Mayor Jeff Cusat, a Republican of Italian and Polish origin, is running for his third term. He is relatively young, not even 50 years old… And many told us that he has a very comfortable relationship with the Latino community and even travels a lot to the Dominican Republic.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: And for the people of Hazleton, this city that became famous for tensions, for racism… Did you find that immigration is still an important issue?

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Yes, but perhaps not in the way you imagine. That experience that Amilcar had almost two decades ago began with the fear of undocumented immigrants. And that fear still exists. But now you no longer hear it only from white people. But sometimes from Latino people.

We spoke with the owner of a beauty products store. She is Adaíris Casado and she arrived almost 14 years ago.

ADAÍRIS CASADO: You know, and it’s not that I’m against immigration, but when you open… like you open the door of your house, a lot of people are going to come in and you don’t know. There comes a, well, a bad guy, a murderer, you know. So that’s why the country lost security.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: She used to be a Democrat. But she voted for Trump in the last elections, and she will do it again in November.

ADAÍRIS CASADO: He is a person who believes in God. And, second, he offers the country the security that this government, well, took away from the country.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: It’s like the opposite trajectory to Amilcar.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: It’s exactly that. She came as part of a migratory wave. But now she feels that the city can’t absorb more people. She sees it in concrete details of the way of life in Hazleton. Above all, security.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: In general, would you say that the change has been positive or negative with this migration?

ADAÍRIS CASADO: Negative. Because, and I’ll tell you why. There’s a video out there, and it’s on Carson Street, of a young man opening cars.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: I must clarify here, Julio, that data indicate that Hazleton does not have more crime than other similar cities. But there is clearly a perception of danger. Her husband had part of his car’s engine stolen a few months ago and Ada feels scared in her own store.

ADAÍRIS CASADO: I used to leave that door open. Not anymore, because one is no longer safe here. One is not safe.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: In case it’s not clear, she refers to a literal door. Not a metaphor.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: But there is a metaphor here… So close the door behind me. Or not?

DANIEL ALARCÓN: That’s the idea I had. It’s a feeling that several people shared with us. Many Latino people express themselves against immigration with language that resembles the Republican speech. We are seeing this at a national level. And, in a sense, it is understandable. Julio, at the beginning, our impression was that Hazelton was a thriving city of opportunities, where Latinos could buy houses, educate their children… We felt everything was going well here. And that things were going well in Hazleton because Latinos saved it… With their labor force, their businesses, their taxes…

That was the message when we arrived at a job fair. And I owe you a little more context here: Hazleton’s growth was no accident. The local government has offered tax incentives to attract companies to the area, and that brought in plenty of migrants too, looking for work. One of the state’s largest industrial parks is here, with warehouses for Amazon and American Eagle Outfitters and even a Hershey’s plant.

HERSHEY’S WOMAN: We need at least two years of experience in mechanics, in manufacturing.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: Hershey ‘s? Chocolate?

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Yes. And there are so many Latinos, they designated the plant in this area to be bilingual. English and Spanish. And all around the fair you could hear Spanish, even at a table of two state legislators, both Republicans:

ARIELA: Any problem that people have in the state, we are there to be able to solve, solve the problem.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: But the line to enter was very long, at least two hundred people waiting. And, frankly, most of them were not going to get a job at this fair.

SCHOOL WOMAN: Right now there are no vacancies, but we do want to have, so to speak, enough staff just in case, when there are available positions, they already have a list.

UPSET WOMAN: And look how the line is here, because we are all desperately looking for work and there is nothing.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: A woman, in tears, spoke to us from the line.

UPSET WOMAN: So, how? It is a mockery for the people, here we Hispanics are the ones who work hard, we are the ones who really do the work in the company, we need employment, because here we are the ones who do the work. Isn’t it right, my people?

DANIEL ALARCÓN: And that is where we realized that Hazleton is in another stage of its history.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: Now I understand. In twenty-something years, it has gone from being a predominantly white city in decline, to being a city where new migration was controversial, and then a Latino city with many opportunities. To what is now.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: YES, now it is a city where there are no houses for so many people. Another Dominican woman told us what things were like when she arrived seven years ago.

WOMAN: There was a lot of work. And people came from New York, New Jersey, from all those states, since rent was expensive there, they came here and after they came, so many people here, the rent went up, the rent is very expensive and there is no work there.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Seven years ago. What were the rents like for example?

WOMAN: Very cheap. With 600 dollars you paid for an entire house. Now they charge you 1,400. 1,500 for the same house.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: And is it true that there are no houses?

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Seriously, they told us that this growth took all the authorities by surprise, that they did not plan, because nobody expected it. And not just in the housing issue. There is no space in the schools either, the kindergarten is full for this year.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: And, Daniel, the people in line, who couldn’t find work, and have to pay these very high rents… Did they tell you if they are going to vote?

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Some didn’t want to say.

MAN: But that’s… That’s confidential, right.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: … Some don’t know yet.

YOUNG WOMAN: No, I haven’t decided yet.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: And some haven’t registered to vote.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: Look out, the deadline to register in Pennsylvania is October 21, for those of you listening in that state.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Sure, there’s still time. And that brings me to another thing that we hear a lot about in Hazleton, perhaps the most important: that Latinos don’t vote.

Hazleton has no Latino representation on the school board, nor on the city council. It has never had a Latino mayor, even though it is predominantly Latino.

DANIEL JORGE: This city has life thanks to Hispanics. We are the life of this city, economically, but we are nothing at the government level.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: After the break, we continue in Hazleton, a city in Pennsylvania with Latinos everywhere… except in the government. This is El Péndulo. We’ll be back.

[MIDROLL 2]

JULIO VAQUEIRO: This week on El Péndulo we are in Pennsylvania with Daniel Alarcón.

He told us that Hazleton is a predominantly Latino city, which has no representation in the government. It is a community that has been in Hazleton for almost two decades, right?

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Look, Hazleton is part of the so-called “Latino belt”. But unlike Hazleton, the other cities in the Latino Belt do have Latino representation in government. Allentown and Reading even have Hispanic mayors. Places like these make the Latino vote extremely important.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: And how do you explain it?

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Well, Daniel Jorge explained it like this:

DANIEL JORGE: One hundred percent our fault.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Huh!

DANIEL JORGE: You didn’t expect to hear that. Okay, changes are made through voting and we just don’t vote. Ok? We don’t vote.

We don’t care, we don’t believe that voting means absolutely anything. We don’t believe that we can change through voting.

Absolutely nothing. We are stuck in that, in that mindset.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: So, what is happening in Hazleton? People gave us several explanations…

First, and we heard it several times, Julio. The Dominican came here to solve an economic problem, not a political problem. So there is simply not much interest in the political aspect, right? That’s not why they came.

It is a very divided community. There are factions among Dominicans, depending on the partisanship in their native country, or what city they come from. And sometimes they divide their vote between several candidates.

And finally, they are two different political systems. To give you an example, in the Dominican Republic the school boards are not elected or function the same as in the United States.

Daniel ran last year for “school director” in the county. Like others in his community, he lost.

DANIEL JORGE: And I still find people who tell me “come back, run again.” That encourages me. But I am discouraged by the fact that we Hispanics are so neglected when it comes to voting. It hurts me because it holds us back. It drags us down, it sinks us and we don’t understand the potential we have here.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Now, does that apathy that you have diagnosed in the Latino community towards local politics also extend to national politics?

DANIEL JORGE: No. Look, it’s good… it’s a phenomenon… The vast majority vote in the presidential elections. The apathy is at the local level.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: This Daniel always surprises me with his answers.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Yes, me too, me too.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: So the Latino in Hazleton does vote… for president.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Yes, the statistics seem to confirm it. But looking at the rates in the city’s most Hispanic neighborhoods, we see that, in the 2020 election, the vote in Hazleton was split between Trump and Biden almost head-to-head. Biden won some, Trump won others, but always close, sometimes only dozens of votes separated them.

There are no state-level Latino polls in Pennsylvania, but we did see a poll done in Northampton County after the presidential debate that can give us some clues. It’s an area, like Hazleton, that has a lot of Latinos. And there, 60 percent of Latinos are voting for Harris. Only 25 for Trump. So, Hazleton, as we’ve seen, with its particular history, is, in many ways, an atypical city and vote.

And for me all this confirms that the Latino vote is even more complex than many people think.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: Absolutely. Would you say that it’s also proof that there is no real “Latino vote”?

DANIEL ALARCÓN: Maybe. Those who are going to vote in Hazleton have the same concerns as in any other place. Security, jobs, prices, abortion rights… and (in general) these are the same concerns that all voters have in this election. Being Latino does not determine your vote.

But there is something else. I was thinking about something that Daniel Jorge told us. That, really, many of the issues that matter at the national level are local issues.

DANIEL JORGE: Is the economy a main issue in the elections? I know it is, but that is a process and I do not think that Harris or Trump can change that overnight.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: He cares more about his rights.

DANIEL JORGE: And we believe that we are going to vote for this president because he is going to lower the price of gasoline. Is that all you are looking for in a president?

DANIEL ALARCÓN: For Daniel, no, clearly. For others, for many, the economy is simply the main thing.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: Thank you, Daniel.

DANIEL ALARCÓN: With pleasure, Julio.

JULIO VAQUEIRO: Next week on El péndulo we travel to a market in Las Vegas and ask: what can Harris and Trump really do for the economy?

ALANA CASANOVA-BURGESS: El péndulo is a co-production of Radio Ambulante Studios and Noticias Telemundo. Julio Vaqueiro, from Noticias Telemundo, is the host. This episode of El péndulo was reported and produced by Daniel Alarcón and myself, Alana Casanova-Burgess, with support from Jess Alvarenga and Mariana Zúñiga, with editing by Silvia Viñas, Eliezer Budasoff, and Daniel Alarcón.

Desirée Yepez is our digital producer. Geraldo Cadava is our editorial consultant. Ronny Rojas did the fact checking. The theme song, music, mixing and sound design are by Andrés Azpiri. Graphic design and art direction are by Diego Corzo.

At Noticias Telemundo, Gemma García is the executive vice president and Marta Planells is the senior digital director. Adriana Rodríguez is the senior producer and José Luis Osuna is in charge of the series’ video journalism.

At Radio Ambulante Studios, Natalia Ramírez is the product director, with support from Paola Aleán. Community management is by Juan David Navarro. Camilo Jiménez Santofimio is the director of partnerships and financing. Carolina Guerrero is executive producer of Central and CEO of Radio Ambulante Studios.

El péndulo is funded by the Jonathan Logan Family Foundation, an organization that supports initiatives that transform the world.

You can follow us on social media as @ [at] centralseries RA and subscribe to our newsletter at centralpodcast.audio.

T2. [Trailer] El péndulo.

gas mama septiembre

Man: Wake up, Latino! Is there a Latino here? Woooow! 

Julio Vaqueiro: I’m Julio Vaqueiro. And when I first came to the US, I thought I knew the politics of the Latinos that live here. 

But…it’s a bit more complicated than we all thought. 

Woman: Here, we Hispanics work hard. Right, guys? 

Woman: We almost never vote.  

Julio Vaqueiro: No?! Why?!  

Woman: Because everyone keeps making promises they never keep.  

Man: And we believe that by voting for this president there’ll be lower prices at the pump… is that all you’re looking for in a president?

Man: Yeah, we love freedom, but only on a full stomach. When we’re hungry, no one really cares that much about freedom.

Julio Vaqueiro: This is El péndulo, the Latino vote from five states that will decide the presidential elections in the United States. A podcast from Noticias Telemundo and Radio Ambulante Studios. 

Woman: Sure, we all complain about this and that, but hey, we don’t stop enjoying ourselves and we definitely don’t stop eating.

Julio Vaqueiro: Listen to El péndulo on iHeartRadio or on your favorite podcast app. 

EPISODE 6. The last election

Central BESDLS Ep 6 Cover 1400x1400 1

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: We have tried a path for 200 years and the results couldn’t have been worse.

[Silvia Viñas]: It is September 15, 2022. El Salvador is celebrating its Independence.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: For many who lost their family members, it was hell at its worst.

[Eliezer Budasoff]: Nayib Bukele is giving a speech to a room full of people in the Presidential House. It is being broadcast live on the national network.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: The only way left for El Salvador is this. We have tried it, too. It is not a campaign promise. We have tried it, and it is working for us. And we are not going to abandon it.

[Silvia]: His wife Gabriela is by his side. Behind him are four flags of El Salvador and a painting of Monsignor Óscar Romero, the Salvadoran priest murdered in 1980… known for his defense of human rights. 

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: We are not going to abandon it, no matter how many protests come from abroad.

[Eliezer]: Bukele has been speaking for more than 20 minutes when he finally says…

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: That is why, after talking with my wife Gabriela and with my family, I am announcing to the Salvadoran people that I have decided to run as candidate for the Presidency of the Republic…

[Silvia]: The applause lasts more than a minute. And then you start hearing this:

[Archive soundbite, public]: Re-election! Re-election! Re-election!

[Eliezer]: People are shouting: Re-election.

[Gabriel Labrador]: He is leveraging the fact that independence is being celebrated. It is statement—what seems to me like a statement of ownership of the country and its future.

[Silvia]: Gabriel Labrador, the Salvadoran journalist from El Faro who focuses on politics and with whom we begin this series. He is going to join us in this final episode.

[Gabriel]: And I think this is worth comparing with the announcement he made—do you remember?—when he announced that he was going to run for president; we’re talking about 2017. He makes an announcement on Facebook Live. Totally alone, in a small room in his house, a politician believing in a seemingly crazy cause, right? But he has this dream of winning the election. And that contrasts greatly with the announcement that he makes in 2022, in a rather important room with a number of high-level political guests.

[Eliezer]: There are ministers, legislators. There is his family… and also the Attorney General and the President of the Supreme Court… officials imposed by the Bukelist-controlled Assembly.

[Gabriel]: When Bukele makes the announcement, the President of the Supreme Court raises his two thumbs as if saying to Bukele, Good, good, I agree with what you are doing. Next to him the Attorney General smiles. And then, while everyone around then is clapping and cheering, the two of them shake hands. And then, that evening at the Presidential House, many officials, including the Supreme Court judges, stay to chat at a cocktail party hosted by the Presidential House. And I published that picture and well, it went a little viral because of course, I mean, we are in a country with no rule of law, with no division of powers, and I think that is demonstrated in the picture—the country’s most important judges at a cocktail party celebrating a decision as unconstitutional as the president’s re-election.

[Silvia]: You see, the Salvadoran Constitution is clear: re-election is prohibited. This is stated in six Articles. And it is something that Bukele himself explained on a television program in 2013, years before he was a presidential candidate for the first time:

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: The Constitution does not allow the same person to be president twice in a row. He can be president 80 times if he wants, but not in a row. So… That is to ensure that he does not remain in power or use his power to stay in power. If he leaves power and returns, it is because the people wanted to him back…

[Silvia]: And he said it again in March 2021 as president, in the interview he gave to Luisito Comunica, one of the ten most popular YouTubers in Spanish.

[Archive soundbite, Luisito Comunica]: Is there re-election here in El Salvador?

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: No, there is no re-election. And I would be out of the presidency at age 42.

[Eliezer]: So, how is it that a few years after saying this Bukele runs for re-election… and with the support of the people responsible for ensuring that the Constitution is enforced? That’s what we wanted to understand in closing this series. Because it is the culmination of what we have been telling you in the last 5 episodes. And the answer is important for El Salvador, yes, but also for the future of democracy far beyond its borders.

[Silvia]: This February 4 election in El Salvador is one of the first in a historic year. In 2024, more people than ever will go to the polls around the world. About 4 billion. But democracy is more than casting a vote… And this is something that has been written about quite a bit. We find reports on how crucial this year is for democracy in international media such as The Guardian, Forbes, The Economist, New Yorker, Vox, Al Jazeera. None of those I just mentioned talk about El Salvador in their articles. They mention Russia, the United States, Taiwan, India, South Africa…

[Eliezer]: But they ignore the impact that one of the smallest countries in Latin America can have. The Salvadoran elections start the electoral calendar in our region, where seven presidential elections will be held. After El Salvador comes Panama, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Uruguay, Venezuela and, as we already mentioned, the United States. The result in El Salvador will be a signal to citizens and politicians who see Bukele as a role model… 

[Gabriel]: The February 4 election is going to change our idea of what we understand by democracy.

[Silvia]: This is El señor de Los sueños, a podcast from Radio Ambulante Estudios. I am Silvia Viñas.

[Eliezer]: And I’m Eliezer Budasoff. Episode 6: The last election. 

[Silvia]: The idea of Bukele running for re-election is not that recent. Gabriel explained that it began to be speculated about quite early in his government, when they announced they wanted to reform the Constitution. We are talking about September 2020.

[Gabriel]: And the vice president, Félix Ulloa, was tasked with reforming and finding those reforms that could improve the Constitution that dates back to ‘83, 1983. And since then, the idea of re-election began to circulate among all legal analysts because there were already certain traits of populism that permitted us to say that President Bukele might seek to remain in power. That raised alarm bells. But with the pandemic and the emergency regime, this issue remained a bit on standby.

[Héctor Lindo]: Salvador’s Constitutional history is very consistent. 

[Eliezer]: This is Héctor Lindo, historian and professor emeritus at Fordham University, in New York. We asked him in what context the Articles of the Constitution that prohibit re-election were incorporated. And he told us that it that goes back much further than 1983, the most current Constitution.

[Héctor]: After 1886, Salvadoran Constitutions have categorically rejected re-election, in order to counteract the 19th-century tendency of Salvadoran rulers to perpetuate themselves in power. 

[Silvia]: By the way, this last statement may sound very similar to something we’ve already heard: not staying in power is something that Bukele himself mentioned in that television interview in 2013.

[Héctor]: On several occasions in the 20th century, prohibiting reelection was not so important because the presidency was not very personalistic. It was simply the instrument of economic groups that continued to hold power even when the current president changed. There is a very clear prohibition that has been enforced. But we could talk about examples of presidents who tried to be re-elected.

[Eliezer]: We can highlight dictator Maximiliano Hernández Martínez, who found a way to get around the ban.

[Héctor]: The Constitution that was written under his Administration prohibited re-election, but the Constitutional Assembly, which was totally controlled, introduced a formula that said, in essence, that on this occasion, and given the special circumstances the country is experiencing, we will allow the President to be re-elected. In other words, in principle, the Constitution prohibited re-election, but in practice, they opened a door for re-election. 

[Silvia]: And something similar happened this time. Bukele found his own formula to run for re-election. The first thing he did, Gabriel explained to us, was attack the Constitution.

[Gabriel]: That is the modus operandi of the Bukeles, of the Bukele Clan, which is to discredit something, attack it, hit it, distort its reality, the facts surrounding the matter, and then impose its own view. 

[Eliezer]: The strategy was to say that the Constitution had been designed by a right-wing politician…

[Gabriel]: That is, Roberto D’Aubuisson, founder of the ARENA party, linked to the death squads, in fact, and in fact, also linked to the murder of our saint Monsignor Óscar Romero. So Bukele uses that image of D’Aubuisson to say that that Constitution, if it had passed through the hands of D’Aubuisson the murderer, then it was bad. Which is a rather simplistic, crude, somewhat ridiculous argument, it seems to me, because D’Aubuisson did participate in the drafting of that Constitution, but it wasn’t just D’Aubuisson. Besides, this Constitution reflects the spirit of the other 13 Constitutions that El Salvador has had throughout its history, ever since its founding as a Republic. The spirit of our Constitutions prohibits re-election.

[Silvia]: So attacking the origin of the Constitution came first. But in practice, that was not enough. This is when the Constitutional Court comes in, which at this point was already made up of judges who had been appointed by the representatives of the Assembly controlled by Bukele. On September 3, 2021, the Court issued a resolution that says that it is up only to the people to decide whether the president should continue.

[Gabriel]: Yes, there is a small, vague effort at argument, but it falls apart at the first opportunity. I mean. There is an Article in the Constitution that clearly says that the presidential term is five years, not one day longer.

[Silvia]: Another says that if a President stays in power one more day, that forces an insurrection.

[Gabriel]: And there are others that say, for example, there is an article that says: it is the obligation of the Legislative Assembly to disown a President who intends to remain in office. And so there are about four very specific articles and two articles that indirectly, like the last one just mentioned, support this idea that the spirit of the Constitution is that re-election is not allowed. So what the Constitutional Court does is latch on to one small word to open a door. And this little word is candidate.

[Eliezer]: Because all the articles that prohibit reelection are written in presidential code. That is, they talk about the reasons why a sitting president cannot be re-elected. But there is one article, 152, that specifically talks about the requirements to be a candidate. And it says that someone who has been president for over six months during the period immediately preceding cannot be a candidate. Nor if he held office within the last six months before the new presidential term. So, in simple terms, according to the Constitutional Court, the requirement for Bukele to be able to run for re-election is that he leave his position as President six months before the beginning of the new presidential term.

[Gabriel]: This is specifically stated in this document, this resolution from the court. And, as the main argument, the argumentative point that the Bukelism uses to say, whether all I have to do is step away, or does the man have to step aside during six months before taking possession.

[Silvia]: Now, in electoral matters, the highest judge, the highest authority, is the Supreme Electoral Tribunal. They are the ones who must ensure that all Constitutional requirements and all laws are met in an electoral process. But in this case, this Tribunal did not put any objections to the Court’s ruling. The next day they published a statement in which they indicated that they were going to comply with the ruling of the Constitutional Court. And they said that if President Bukele signed up, they would guarantee his participation.

[Gabriel]: They do not assume their role as arbitrators and as the highest authority and of complying with the Constitution. They forget all that and, on the contrary, they play into Bukele’s hands.

[Eliezer]: Here it is important to mention that the type of control Bukele has over the Supreme Electoral Tribunal is not the same as that he has over other powers, such as the Assembly, the Constitutional Court or the Prosecutor’s Office. The judges of the Tribunal were appointed for the period from 2019 to 2024 by an Assembly that was not yet controlled by Bukelism. So, in this case, four of the five judges on the Tribunal voted in favor of this resolution and three explained that they supported what the Constitutional Court said about re-election.

[Gabriel]: It is clear that the Tribunal is, in fact, divided. There are some judges who try to show some resistance to the Court’s reasoning. But the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, at least since the Bukele era, has been under a lot of pressure from President Bukele, from officials, such as the president of the Assembly, who is a close friend of Bukele. And well, even Bukele’s Legislative Assembly approved a reform so that any official who prevents the registration of a candidacy is prosecuted with prison or punished with prison if found guilty. So by what logic is an official like the Supreme Electoral Tribunal going to refuse to register the candidacy of the most popular politician if there is that article that promises you jail if you become an obstruction?

[Eliezer]: This ruling of the Constitutional Court came only months after May 1, when the Bukelism-controlled Assembly dismissed the Attorney General and the judges of this Court. It was actually the ruling of a body made up of officials close to the President. So the international community condemned the sentence as another authoritarian move by Bukele.

[Silvia]: Gabriel says the most important reaction was from the United States. At that time, it did not have an ambassador in El Salvador. Its highest representative in the country was Jean Manes, who had the title of Chargé d’Affaires of the embassy. Manes had worked as a diplomat in the country. When Bukele was mayor of San Salvador they established a close relationship.

[Gabriel]: Following the announcement from the Constitutional Court, he decided to burn the ships. And in a press conference, as rarely done by a diplomatic representative, he levels harsh criticism at the decision of the Constitutional Court.

[Archive soundbite, Jean Manes]: This ruling is the direct result of the decision on May 1 by the Salvadoran Legislative Assembly to unconstitutionally remove the sitting judges from the Constitutional Court and install replacements loyal to the executive.

[Gabriel]: And he says that basically this is the path taken before by Venezuela.

[Archive soundbite, Jean Manes]: Where Chávez was democratically elected but was trying step by step to get more and more power and limit independence. And at the time, I think many Venezuelans thought they were living in a democracy. Because there were reasons for electing him. But when he is little by little removing the independence of the country’s institutions, we know where this path leads.

[Gabriel]: And comparing him to Chávez is, let’s say, one of the most explicit things the United States has done.

[Silvia]: Two months later, in November 2021, Manes announced that he was leaving El Salvador and that the United States had decided to put its relationship with the country on hold. 

[Eliezer]: A year later, in September 2022, Bukele made the announcement we heard at the beginning of the episode. And if you remember, he mentioned that they are not going to abandon the path they have tried, which he says works, no matter how many protests come from outside.

[Silvia]: But what does he use to justify being a candidate again? Because the first time he ran, as we saw, the discourse was against the traditional parties. But he can’t repeat that again, I imagine. So what does he say to justify re-election?

[Gabriel]: At that moment he focuses on selling the idea that the fight, the war against the gangs, is getting results. By then, the state of exception has been in effect for six months. Nearly 50,000 people have been detained, many of them innocent, of course, and they were proven to be innocent. There were also 73 people who died in prison without even being convicted, you know? In other words, there was a serious human rights crisis. But at the same time the state of exception was making Bukele very popular because he was giving something tangible to the people.

[Amparo Marroquín]: He has a communication team skilled enough to find the opportunity in each narrative. I think no one imagined that this big push that begins in 2022 with the state of exception, was really going to make the population feel calm. 

[Silvia]: This is Amparo Marroquín, professor of Communications and Culture at the José Simeón Cañas Central American University of El Salvador. Amparo is part of an international group of academics studying far-right movements in countries such as Turkey, Hungary, India, the Philippines, and, of course, El Salvador.

[Amparo]: I think what happens there is that we have a communication campaign that is effective in people’s daily lives, right? I mean, when Nayib Bukele says we have the largest hospital in Latin America, people do not feel in daily life that their health improves. When Nayib Bukele says we have a bitcoin policy that will give us much more financial power, people do not feel this in everyday life. But when Nayib Bukele says we are fighting the gangs, people feel that this is documented in their daily life.

[Gabriel]: And that is why his re-election announcement focuses on freedom, because Bukele says that without the gangs, Salvadorans—mainly ordinary Salvadorans—are enjoying unprecedented freedom as never before; that they can now go out, get to know the country safely, without feeling threatened, and that is not debatable. I mean, it’s a fact. The streets look different and there is a different atmosphere.

Amparo: Daily life has changed, and that is the best bitcoin you can have for re-election.

[Eliezer]: We’ll be back after a break.

[FLIP/Article 19]: In the presidential elections in Guatemala, it became evident that the stigmatization and harassment of journalistic work are forms of censorship aimed at discrediting journalists. These practices often intensify during electoral coverage, a concerning situation for the upcoming elections in countries like Mexico and El Salvador.

For the Foundation for Press Freedom in Colombia and Article 19 in Mexico and Central America, defending journalists during the electoral process is crucial to ensuring citizens’ access to information.

[Daniel Alarcón]: The production company behind «Bukele, el señor de los sueños» is Radio Ambulante Estudios. And we have two other podcasts you should listen to. Every Tuesday, we release Radio Ambulante. Stories of families, migration, adventure, and love. And every Friday, we release El hilo, where we cover and thoroughly explain an impactful news story from Latin America. Look for Radio Ambulante and El hilo on your preferred podcast app.

[Silvia]: We are back. When we talked in this series about the first time Bukele ran as a candidate for the 2019 presidential elections, we saw that it was quite a bureaucratic and long process. And of course, the scenario was completely different. Bukele wanted to run with a new party but couldn’t because of deadlines, but now he has his party already, Nuevas Ideas. He is already in power. But this time, he still had to go through several steps in order to submit his candidacy, and we’re going to go over them quickly, because the way Bukele approached each step reflects that he wanted to take advantage of the communication potential of each situation.

[Eliezer]: First, he had to register as a candidate for the internal elections of Nuevas Ideas. A step that sounds quite basic, simple. But he did it on the last day, at the last minute. It was at the end of June 2023. The following month he won those internal elections, without opponents.

[Gabriel]: That left one of the last steps remaining, which is to present that candidacy, after a supposedly democratic party election, to the Supreme Electoral Tribunal. The official election calendar gave a deadline of October 26. All the candidates who emerged from the internal party elections had until midnight to submit their paperwork, etc. He says, well, I’m going to register with the SET, I think on October 24. It seemed strange to me that he would say that date, because the deadline was the 26th, not the 24th. And what this caused was a big media operation from the 24th, even from the 23rd, in front of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, as if waiting for Bukele’s registration. Then you saw you tubers…

[Archive soundbite, youtuber]: We are still here, look at the Supreme Electoral Tribunal.

[Gabriel]: Stationed permanently, almost from dawn to dusk. 

[Archive soundbite, youtuber]: There are certain rumors among the people who are waiting here that the president might not come today, because if he comes tomorrow, this will be too crowded with people and they will not be able to control it.

[Gabriel]: During the 24th, 25th, waiting for Bukele’s arrival. Of course, we journalists knew, from various sources, that Bukele was not going to arrive on those days, that he was going to wait until the last minute. But it caused this whole wave of expectation. As a good publicity guy, he knows that hype campaigns work very well.

[Silvia]: And the day of the registration deadline, October 26, was… dramatic.

[Eliezer]: It was night, and Bukele had not arrived yet. And messages began to circulate from the people closest to him, such as Ernesto Castro, the president of the Assembly and a long-time friend of Bukele… who tweeted, quote, «Our prayers with you, Mr. President.» This sparked rumors about Bukele’s health and that of his wife Gabriela, who was pregnant. It created a lot of expectation, even more than before because of all that time some followers had been waiting outside the Supreme Electoral Tribunal.

[Gabriel]: And well, everyone starts to doubt if he is going to arrive on time, etc.

[Silvia]: Gabriel says that it was never confirmed what happened, and no official explained the reason for those messages of support.

[Gabriel]: But by around 20 minutes before midnight, a big commotion breaks out, the presidential motorcade leaves for the Supreme Electoral Tribunal and he arrives with his brothers…

[Silvia]: What you hear is the people outside, welcoming him.

[Gabriel]: He looks a little tired, his face a little pale, nothing that is too compromising, but he manages to register that night.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: We have gone from being the most unsafe country in the world to being the safest country on the continent, but there is still a long way to go…

[Silvia]: That night he spoke through a megaphone to his followers outside the Supreme Electoral Tribunal.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: And we are going to do all that in the next five years.

[Amparo]: Nayib Bukele has turned politics into a show that, many, is worth seeing, a show that is enjoyable. What Bukele achieves is a show that is much more melodramatic, much more serialized—this is no longer a soap opera, it’s an American series. So this first season is where we have seen him. It has all the elements, in other words, the next day you can discuss with people where we left off in yesterday’s episode. We are in a country that doesn’t have Televisa, that doesn’t have Rede Globo, that doesn’t have Caracol, that doesn’t have… So the production of melodrama in this country has always been from politics, and now we have a president who is a showman, who has a PhD in melodrama production.

[Eliezer]: Lawyers and other political parties had submitted requests for Bukele’s candidacy to be canceled, both before and after October 26th. Before he was registered, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal argued that they could not decide on something that had not yet happened. And once registered, they also gave him the green light. On November 3, 2023, they made Bukele’s registration official as a candidate for the 2024 elections.

[Silvia]: That was not the only support Bukele received for his re-election. The United States changed its discourse. Under Secretary of State for the Western Hemisphere Brian Nichols visited Bukele at the Presidential House in those days. It was an official visit. And then he said this about his re-election on a television show:

[Archive soundbite, Brian Nichols]: I believe the decision to allow re-election and who will be the candidate preferred by Salvadorans, is an issue for Salvadorans. There must be a broad debate about the legality and legitimacy of the election, but it is a debate for Salvadorans.

[Eliezer]: According to a survey by the Central American University, seven out of ten Salvadorans agree that Bukele should be a candidate for re-election.

[Silvia]: Now, with Bukele officially registered, the question still remained of what he was going to do. Would leave office before the end of his presidential term or not. Remember the Constitutional Court had said that to be a candidate, he had to leave the presidency six months before the beginning of the next period. That was before December 1, 2023.

[Gabriel]: So by November 30 he sends a request to the Legislative Assembly. He’s supposed to hand in a resignation. But in the wording of the text —and we saw it that same evening— he talks about distancing himself, but that he will maintain his position as President and will have all the prerogatives he has maintained until now. What happens, according to what he writes, is that he will not perform his functions […] He asks the Assembly to maintain his security detail, the use of the presidential battalion, his transportation personnel, the use of presidential residences, and “any prerogative aimed at his legal security.” And this speaks specifically to Bukele’s need to continue being protected by law and continue enjoying all the benefits of being President. So it is not a resignation as called for in the Constitution; it’s like a pantomime in which he stops governing.

[Eliezer]: That request that he sends to the Assembly puts the name of his private secretary, Claudia Rodríguez, as the Acting President. Rodríguez in her position managed the budget of the Presidential House and has accompanied Bukele and her brothers for over ten years. She worked in his companies. She is trustworthy. But in the documents she signs, she does not show up as interim president or presidential appointee. Her title is: “chargé d’affairs.”

[Silvia]: And in this very particular scenario, how has the campaign been heading into these presidential elections?

[Gabriel]: Well, the presidential campaign in El Salvador has been unprecedented, it seems to me. One, because as political scientist Álvaro Artiga says, there is a notion, for the first time, that there is already a winner. Previously there was at least nominal competition. That is to say, there were probabilities—not possibilities—probabilities that any party would win, mainly the two big ones, ARENA or FMLN. The presidential elections were always very close. In the Legislative Assembly there was always a correlation in which the winning party always needed satellite parties to carry its agenda. But we do not foresee this happening in 2024. Plus the fact that there have been a whole series of legal reforms to the electoral map: the number of representatives was reduced, the number of mayoral municipalities was reduced drastically. And this not only shatters the opposition’s chances at winning, it also helps Bukele continue on this path of concentration of power.

[Eliezer]: Gabriel finds it striking that this electoral campaign is not evident in the streets… There is a collective notion that Nuevas Ideas is going to win.

[Gabriel]: Even in the opposition there is a current of thought that says that the opposition should not have competed in the presidential election because it is known beforehand that Bukele was going to win. So efforts had to be focused on the Legislative Assembly, where the Executive Branch could be counterbalanced. So on the street you don’t see this electoral hype, the banners or the ads on TV. What you see is a path towards a hegemonic party where the ads you see the most are those of the Presidency of the Republic and those of the official party.

[Silvia]: Let’s talk for a moment about voting abroad. What has Bukele done to increase voting abroad?

[Gabriel]: Look, historically, voting abroad in El Salvador has not been so relevant in numerical terms. Although the possibility of voting was enabled for the diaspora, electoral among the many people who are outside—and there are millions—, participation has been very low.

[Eliezer]: In the last election, in 2019, less than 4,000 people voted. Since it was enabled in 2013, it has been difficult to vote from abroad. You had to register and send the ballot by mail.

[Gabriel]: And this year the feature has been that Bukele has supported a number of decisions that are kind of stoking the possibility that the vote abroad may increase significantly for the first time. And I think it is a way that Bukelism found to compensate for the votes lost here in the local territory, in Salvadoran territory. Maybe it is a little complicated to understand, but we have to understand something here: El Salvador has 3 million people abroad, we have 6 million inhabitants but 3 million are abroad, the vast majority of them in the United States. Bukele—and I think the audience knows it—is a phenomenon not only continentally, but even globally. And I do not think this is the work of the Holy Spirit. Rather, it is like a very effective media operation that President Bukele has implemented. And one way to do it is precisely that—it’s broadcasting a lot of messages outwards and especially to the community of Salvadorans abroad. 

[Silvia]: Like this one posted recently on TikTok by the official media outlet, La Nota… The music is theirs, by the way.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: The new Legislative Assembly approved voting abroad, which had been promised to our entire diaspora, so that after so many years they can participate in our country’s decisions. This is a historical moment, when Salvadorans have begun to be truly free and sovereign.

[Eliezer]: In fact, as we already saw, voting abroad was approved years ago. What the Assembly did is enable electronic voting for the diaspora. This has raised doubts in the opposition about how secure it will be if there is no voter registry abroad, if no one is observing the vote, like when it is in person, for example. The concern is that there could be fraud… But this vote has already started. It has been available since January 6 for Salvadorans abroad. Two election officials confirmed to The Associated Press that more than 50,000 people voted in the first three days. Twelve times more than in 2019.

[Gabriel]: The propaganda messages sent out to the United States are many and constant, and not only from the presidency. A lot of YouTubers are actually living in the United States. And they are propagators of the President’s narrative. 

[Archive soundbite, youtuber]: The story is not that Nayib Bukele seeks re-election. The story is going to be that Nayib Bukele is re-elected by all of you. That’s what we’re waiting for, right?

[Archive soundbite, youtuber]: These people from the opposition who say that security doesn’t feed anyone, of course it does, because if there weren’t so much security right now in El Salvador, all those people wouldn’t be visiting from abroad.

[Gabriel]: In fact, the official news program of El Salvador, the State Canal Diez newscast, changed its programming so it could broadcast here in Salvadoran time at 04:00. Which coincides with the early hours, let’s say 06:00 on the east coast of the United States—New York, where there are many Salvadorans. So there is a very obvious effort, a great effort by the government to communicate with those people who are abroad.

[Silvia]: Because the diaspora has a lot of influence in the country. It is fundamental for the economy. Remember that remittances represent at least a quarter of El Salvador’s Gross Domestic Product.

[Gabriel]: In other words, the day remittances are cut off, if that were to suddenly happen, I don’t know, but if they are ever cut off, the Salvadoran economy implodes, it would collapse immediately. We depend greatly on people who send remittances. And I think that relationship is like a son or daughter who depends on his father, who sends him money. If the father or mother who sends money tells their dependent to vote and that the best option is Bukele, they will do it. 

[Silvia]: And what can we expect on February 4?

[Gabriel]: I think at that point the door to dictatorship will officially open, with the support of the majorities. 

[Amparo]: I think what the outcome of an election like this does is confirm two things. First, Bukele’s political communication strategy is the most successful in the region. The narrative he sets up allows democracy to be dismantled and everyone agrees that democracy is not the best system, so the antidemocratic narrative wins and it is shown that it has won. And the second thing is, I think that in Central America as a region there is a lesson that is important to remember, and that is the lesson that Juan Orlando Hernández and Daniel Ortega left us, which is: Never give up power, so you can die peacefully in your bed. 

[Silvia]: Juan Orlando Hernández, of Honduras, was the first President of that country to seek re-election since the return of democracy. And he achieved it. But when he left power, he was extradited and charged in the United States for drug trafficking. On the other hand, Ortega, in Nicaragua…

[Amparo]: Everything indicates that he is going to die peacefully in his bed, without ever being judged, without ever being held accountable to Nicaraguan society or to the Central American region for what he has done. So, I think that what Bukelism also understands is that if you have opted for power without checks and balances, that power has to be maintained in a region like ours, because the moment you lose power you are in trouble. Therefore, we have to defend that power like a cat that’s belly-up, as my grandmother would say, to the extent that political communication allows you and to the extent that the coercive arm of the State allows you.

[Gabriel]: To pursue an agenda, I think, that is more intolerant and more repressive.

[Eliezer]: Because Gabriel says that, by winning re-election, Bukele will be able to say that the people voted for him and that means they are on the right path… It gives him permission to continue.

[Amparo]: I don’t know which way the script-writers are going to lean, but let’s say I have a feeling like when you say well, how do you think the second season will be? Is it going to be the same or not? I think the second season can continue the same if Bukele’s popularity continues, it will remain basically the same. I am afraid that if Bukele’s popularity declines, Bukele will get the Army out.

[Silvia]: Deploying the army, for many societies in Latin America, is a very simple way to evoke life under a dictatorship. In 2021, Bukele promised to double the number of military personnel in the country from 20,000 to 40,000 within five years. By 2022, the year for which we have the most updated data, it had already increased to 24,500, making it the largest army in Central America. But he hasn’t just sent them to the streets; he has strengthened their image and resources and prioritized their role in internal security over the civilian police.

[Eliezer]: When we were reporting for the episode on the state of exception, we asked lawyer Zaira Navas, who researches the rule of law, what it meant in practice for this measure to become a form of governance. Zaira told us that, after the civil war, El Salvador had managed to build democratic institutions, a series of organisms and controls aimed at preventing the abuse of force and the return of dictatorships. She mentioned that this government had adopted a war security approach, with an added element: a tremendous advertising campaign.

[Zaira Navas]: Now the Armed Forces take center stage in security matters, openly speaking about national security. They openly talk about internal and external enemies. The amount of weaponry purchased for the Armed Forces does not correspond to the situation in the country.

[Eliezer]: Bukele, as Gabriel says, often uses a numerical argument to laugh off those who call him a dictator: he was democratically elected by the majority. «There are the polls,» he says. The people support him.

[Silvia]: We asked historian Héctor Lindo if he thought the word «dictatorship» was too strong to describe Nayib Bukele’s government in El Salvador. Because, for many of us who have lived or know the recent history of the region, it is more associated with seizing power by force, with the military overthrowing a democratic government, not supporting a very popular president. Héctor told us that popularity did not define whether it was a dictatorship or not.

[Héctor]: I believe that dictatorship also refers to governments that function without the limits that come with the system of checks and balances by three independent powers of the State. It is a form of government that does not have those limits that the Constitution normally imposes. 

[Silvia]: And he told us that, to him, this was clear in the direction that Nayib Bukele’s Government had taken:

[Héctor]: I see an accelerated dismantling of all the limits that a healthy political system has in place to avoid the excesses of power; and this has a long-term effect, especially for the most vulnerable groups of the population that depend on the rule of law for some, some legal security.

[Eliezer]: Neither violating the Constitution, nor clinging to power, nor governing under a state of exception are new in the history of El Salvador, Héctor told us, despite Bukele’s obsession with presenting everything as a historic revolution. He explained to us that in the past, for example, the relationship between the degree of authoritarianism and advertising spending had also been very direct. What seems extraordinary to him is the degree and skill with which Bukele has done it. And there something else that does seem new to him: 

[Héctor]: He has internationalized his speech. Part of his efforts on social media is not directed only at Salvador, it is also directed at the Dominican Republic, Chile, and Argentina. This is something very bold and very innovative, that helps him gain legitimacy within the country. That is to say, this idea that the Dominicans want a Bukele, that the Argentines want a Bukele helps him to integrate internally, and that is something very new in his strategy.

[Silvia]: For months, we asked again and again about this: What had Bukele done to become the exemplary model for Latin American politicians who seek popularity by attacking democracy in Latin America. One answer: Convince a society plagued by inequality and violence that empathy is incompatible with efficiency. That to have security, rights must be waived. That there wasn’t room for everyone. 

[Amparo]: What Bukele is proving to everyone is that there should be no human rights, there should only be rights for good people. And who decides who are the good people? He does. To me, that’s the big problem. We spent the entire 20th century insisting that we all had human rights, that we all had the presumption of innocence. What Bukele is pointing out is that this has been the problem and that is why crime grows in the shadow of human rights.

[Eliezer]: Nayib Bukele built his power on the cracks in democracy. In 2018, when he ran for president, El Salvador had the lowest belief in democracy in Latin America, according to the Latinobarómetro survey: only 28% of respondents supported it. And what Bukele did during his presidency, as we have seen in this series, was not to repair those cracks but to exploit them.

[Silvia]: Now, for Salvadorans, the concentration of power is a minor issue, according to a January 2024 survey. It did not reach 2%. The same survey conducted a mock vote for February 4th. They asked respondents to mark the ballot as they would on that day. Almost 82% of those who agreed to participate in the simulation chose Bukele.

[Eliezer]: Throughout this series, we contacted former collaborators of Bukele, former campaign advisers, former justices of the Constitutional Chamber, current allies of the president in the Legislative Assembly, and other actors in Salvadoran politics who did not respond. They either could not or did not want to give their testimony. We also contacted the international press coordinator of President Nayib Bukele for an interview, but we did not receive a response.

Of course, why would he speak?

He has already won.

[Silvia]: This series was made possible thanks to the support of the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting, Free Press Unlimited, Article 19 Mexico and Central America, the Foundation for Press Freedom (FLIP), and Dejusticia. Additionally, we thank FLIP for their advice and legal review, and Riesgo Cruzado for their valuable support in protection and security matters.

The producers and reporters of «Bukele: el señor de Los sueños» are Eliezer Budasoff and me. Gabriel Labrador is our reporter and on-site producer. Desireé Yépez is our digital producer. Daniel Alarcón and Camila Segura are our editors. Carlos Dada is our editorial consultant. The fact-checkers are Bruno Scelza and Desireé Yépez. Selene Mazón is the production assistant. The music, mixing, and sound design are by Elías González. The graphic design and art direction are by Diego Corzo. The web development is by Paola Ponce. Thanks to Jonathan Blitzer for his support.

«Bukele, el señor de Los sueños» is a podcast from Central, the series channel of Radio Ambulante Estudios.

From Radio Ambulante Studios, the production co-directors are Natalia Ramírez and Laura Rojas Aponte, with the assistance of Paola Alean. The audience and digital production team is formed by Samantha Proaño, Ana Pais, Analía Llorente and Melisa Rabanales. Press and community management is handled by Juan David Naranjo.

Camilo Jiménez Santofimio is the director of alliances and financing. Carolina Guerrero is the executive producer of Central and the CEO of Radio Ambulante Estudios.

You can follow us on social media as centralpodcast RA and subscribe to our newsletter at centralpodcast.audio.

I am Silvia Viñas. Thank you for listening.

Credits

Produced and reported by: Silvia Viñas and Eliezer Budasoff

Produced and reported on site by: Gabriel Labrador

Digital Production: Desireé Yepez

Edited by: Daniel Alarcón and Camila Segura

Editorial Consulting: Carlos Dada

Fact-checking: Bruno Scelza and Desirée Yépez

Production Assistant: Selene Mazón

Music and Sound Design: Elías González

Graphic Design and Art Direction: Diego Corzo

EPISODE 5. ‘Batman’ discovers the old business of violence

Central BESDLS Ep 5 Cover 1400x1400 1

[Silvia Viñas]: At the end of 2021, Nayib Bukele was the president of Planet Bitcoin and sometimes came down to Earth in a spaceship to show the future. This is how he appeared in an animated video at the end of that year during a cryptocurrency event on the beach, where he announced the construction of the first Bitcoin city: a technological sanctuary by the sea where no one has to pay taxes on their wealth, and which was going to use geothermal energy from a volcano.

The government was trying to attract foreign investors and tourists with a utopian image of El Salvador, which until recently was known mostly for its brutal gangs. It was difficult to reconcile that image with the one Bukele offered in his speech in English: that of a promised land where the foundations were being laid for the oases of tomorrow.

Most Salvadorans didn’t seem too excited about the prospect of investing fortunes they didn’t have in Bitcoin. But the truth is the real country they inhabited had its own oases, its own corners of peace, even if they were far less glamorous than Bitcoin City. On the coast of El Salvador, for example, in a bay of the Pacific Ocean, there’s an island full of coconuts where people live off palm fruits and fishing and gather mollusks to survive; a place where children leave their bikes lying in the street and no one remembers the last time there was a murder. A community that, for decades, had been coping with deprivation without much trouble, apart from the feeling of fear pervading most of the country. Until something happened that changed everything: the government issued an announcement.

[Archive soundbite, announcement]: We need your help to continue winning the war against gangs. Call 123 to give any information that will help us capture terrorists. Your call is completely anonymous and the call center is open 24 hours a day. National Civil Police. Ministry of Justice and Public Security. National Civil Police…

[Sandra]: He wanted numbers, he wanted numbers, that’s why he gave the phone number… and everyone started calling. It was on TV: report it. Your call is confidential. In the long run it’s not confidential…

[Silvia]: This is El Señor de Los Sueños, a podcast from Radio Ambulante Studios. I’m Silvia Viñas.

[Eliezer Budasoff]: And I’m Eliezer Budasoff. Episode 5: Batman discovers the old business of violence.

[Sandra]: My childhood was very nice. Well, I was raised by my uncles and aunts, because my mom abandoned me when I was six months old, so my grandmother raised me, rest in peace, right?

[Eliezer]: The woman you are listening to, the one who spoke at the beginning, her name is Sandra. She is 42 years old and a driver: she drives a motorcycle cab through the dirt streets of El Espíritu Santo, a rural island on the coast of El Salvador, which is less than a three-hour drive from the country’s capital.

[Sandra]: Before the internet and phones arrived, every night, most of us would usually be watching cartoons at home, others playing ball in the street in the evening, others on bikes, others keeping an eye on their girlfriends.

[Eliezer]: Crickets can be heard in the background because it’s nighttime. Away from the coast, the island feels like being in the countryside. It’s a day in late November 2023 and Sandra is trying to explain how life here changed almost two years ago, when Nayib Bukele’s government imposed an emergency regime on the country.


In March 2022, when Bukele had been president for almost three years, El Salvador experienced the most violent weekend so far this century: 87 murders in three days. Amid this wave of homicides, Bukele requested the Legislative Assembly to decree an emergency regime, which includes the possibility of suspending some constitutional rights in extreme situations such as catastrophes, epidemics, or disturbance of public order. The constitution stipulates that these rights may only be suspended for 30 days, with the possibility of extension for the same period.

When I went to the island in November 2023, the regime had already been in place for almost two years without interruption. There, Sandra told me what it was like to grow up in a community where the children weren’t afraid of gangs, but of the “cadejo”: a ghostly dog dragging a chain that scares those up late, a Mesoamerican version of the boogeyman. 

[Sandra]: What time did I go home? At 10, 11 o’clock at night. My grandmother said: «Don’t come back at night, the cadejo will get you». And yes, before it was the cadejo and the so-called «duende» (goblin). That’s what we were afraid of. If there had been crime, do you think we would have stayed out playing in the streets until 10, 11, or 12 at night?

[Carlos Martínez]: Espíritu Santo Island is an extraordinary vantage point to understand the scope of the emergency regime and its consequences. Firstly, because it’s an island and therefore the population is limited. There are about 1,300 to 1,400 people. Everyone knows each other…

[Silvia]: This is Salvadoran journalist Carlos Martínez, a special investigations reporter at El Faro.

[Carlos]: So it’s very easy to have an overall idea of all the people who live there and the effects that the regime has on a micro-society like this.

[Silvia]: Carlos has researched and written about violence in El Salvador for many years. In mid-2022, he received information that dozens of people had been detained on that island under the emergency regime, which suspended basic rights such as the right to defense or the presumption of innocence. That wasn’t unusual, because people were being detained everywhere. But they told him something that caught his attention:

[Carlos]: They took people from an island where there were no gangs.

[Silvia]: That’s the second reason why Carlos says that this island is an ideal place to understand the scope of the emergency regime and its consequences: because there were never gangs here.

[Carlos]: It was surprising for me because after a decade of covering gangs, every time I thought a place didn’t have gangs, it did. And what I found on that island, after the many months I spent reporting there, has fully convinced me that there was never a criminal group operating on the island.

[Silvia]: Carlos recounts that what he found in El Espíritu Santo was something uncommon in the country. It was a community of poor farmers and fishermen who had managed to resist the two things that had shattered the collective life of Salvadorans in the last forty years: the civil war first, and then the presence of gangs.

[Carlos]: It was a place with such an intact social fabric, so difficult to find in a country as fractured as El Salvador, even the civil war hadn’t damaged it. A civil war, by definition, divides a country and the people who inhabit it. The presence of gangs meant people couldn’t trust even their neighbor’s child. And they managed to survive that. They managed to endure over time, considering that they inhabited a place where their neighbors were allies or at least known to each other.

[Eliezer]: All that began to break down with the emergency regime, when police and soldiers arrived on the island and, in different incursions, arrested more than 20 people in the name of the war against the gangs. Sandra was there, waiting for passengers with her motorcycle cab, when they took the first group: five boatmen who worked ferrying people between the island and Puerto El Triunfo, located opposite it. The locals got scared, Sandra says.

[Sandra]: If in the time of the war we didn’t experience this, why is it happening now? So people were afraid, asking: “Why? Why? What happened? Why did they take him away?” I mean, people started asking questions, well, because everyone who was taken away, we’d known them, as I said, since we were little. I’d grown up with some of them and watched others be born and grow up.

[Carlos]: The arrests that were made were unheard of. Everyone on the island knew exactly what everyone was up to, what each person did for a living, and everyone also realized the circumstances under which they were arrested.

[Eliezer]: The arrests in El Espíritu Santo began pretty much at the start of the regime. Soon, the inhabitants stopped going out at night. Other boogeymen appeared.

[Carlos]: The terror, for example, the fear of the night and the fear of the soldiers and the police, the awareness of their absolute power and, on top of everything, the abrupt rupture of the social fabric they had managed to maintain despite everything.

[Silvia]: Since it was decreed in March 2022, the emergency regime has become a form of government in El Salvador. It has already been extended to 22 months, accumulating thousands of reports of arbitrary arrests, abuse, and torture. It is possibly President Nayib Bukele’s most commended measure, one that ultimately made him one of the most popular politicians in the Americas. It was also a perfect excuse for the government, who had never been a big fan of transparency, to block access to key information such as state purchases or detailed statistics on homicides and disappearances. It placed the country in a state of war and left it in the dark, forced to believe.

[Carlos]: Right now, as we are talking, the number of people detained under the emergency regime has already exceeded 75,000. The emergency regime has also been characterized by absolute opacity. All the trials involving those detained under the emergency regime have been subject to absolute secrecy. No one can talk about what happens inside those courtrooms, and neither the press nor anyone else can attend those trials. We also lack, for example, information on how many individuals have been arrested and from which gang, nor do we have a breakdown of data on where they are from, their age, or their gender. We don’t even know when the trials are underway, or what these people are accused of.

[Eliezer]: The emergency regime and the images of the war against gangs have been so heavily publicized, and are so inseparable from Bukele’s image today, that it’s hard to remember this: during the first years of his presidency, he used a very different strategy to lower the number of homicides. One that previous governments had already used: negotiating with criminal groups. It’s difficult to know now if the idea of putting the country under a police and military state, of removing any limits on the use of state force, and conducting mass arrests was something that Bukele and his advisors came up with as they went along when the pact with the gangs backfired on them. Or, if they already had a file saved with a plan B, with the regime as an alternative plan.

[Carlos]: There’s no doubt about its effects in terms of popularity. And to understand this, it’s necessary to grasp, even though it’s complex, the level of damage and the level of humiliation that these criminal organizations caused to most Salvadorans. It’s very difficult for a person who isn’t from El Salvador to understand what it meant to live in the communities controlled by these gangs, which were the majority. The level of violence, the level of brazenness, the level of cruelty with which they subjected a huge number of people, is difficult to put into words. They committed unspeakable atrocities.

[Silvia]: Of all the promises and achievements that President Nayib Bukele claims credit for, there’s one that almost no one disputes, even with his opacity, his barrage of propaganda and his questionable accounts. It was in his plans from the beginning:

[Archive soundbite, EuroNews]: It has taken Nayib Bukele two months since the start of his term as President of El Salvador to achieve something that seemed impossible: to drastically reduce the number of murders in one of the most violent countries in the world.

[Archive soundbite, Telemundo]: The figures are backed by the Attorney General. 

[Archive soundbite, Raúl Melara]: There has been a drop in extortions, and homicides have decreased.

[Archive soundbite, Telemundo]: For Bukele, it is thanks to his security plan, about which not much is known because the government says it is classified.

[Eliezer]: El Salvador closed 2018 with a rate of 52 homicides per hundred thousand inhabitants, more than triple the average for the Americas. By the beginning of 2020, before Nayib Bukele completed one year in office, the homicide rate in El Salvador had halved. So, let’s start with a fact: Bukele’s government lowered El Salvador’s violence figures drastically. The problem lies in explaining how he did it.

[Carlos]: There’s the official version, which is that due to the extraordinary result of the plan known as the Territorial Control Plan, the gangs’ possibilities for action had been reduced. The president told us one thing about the plan: that it was classified, and that 90% of it couldn’t be disclosed for the sake of its success.

[Eliezer]: The name, the Territorial Control Plan, appears again and again as a wild card in his government, and is often mentioned as the key to the Salvadoran miracle. No one has any idea what it’s about. Bukele announced it shortly after becoming president, but never provided a document describing it. It was confidential. Officially, the government limited itself to saying that the plan consisted of seven phases, with names like Incursion or Extraction. Every now and then, the president appears and says that he has begun phase 3, 5, or 6.

[Silvia]: For some organizations, this plan is nothing more than a publicity strategy to push for high amounts of funding and to attack the division of powers. As we told you in previous episodes, when Bukele entered the Assembly with the military, he demanded that the legislators allow him to negotiate a loan of more than $100 million for the Territorial Control Plan. What they were asking for precisely was that he give details on how the money was going to be spent.

[Zaira Navas]: We can’t say that the Territorial Control Plan is a public policy, nor, strictly speaking, can it even be considered a security plan.

[Eliezer]: This is attorney Zaira Navas,  Head of the Rule of Law and Security department at the El Salvador Cristosal Foundation,  and former Police Inspector General. Zaira leads a group that has systematically investigated allegations of human rights violations, arbitrary detentions, and deaths under the emergency regime.

[Zaira]: What is certain, and what has already been proven by media investigations, is that Bukele had already planned to negotiate with the gangs.

[Silvia]: Zaira is referring to a series of official documents obtained and published by the newspaper El Faro in various reports. They revealed that the Bukele government had made a deal with the gangs to reduce homicides and for electoral support in exchange for improvements in prison conditions and other concessions.

[Eliezer]: Those documents, which were part of an investigation by the Attorney General of El Salvador and also support an accusation by the United States Attorney General, revealed that the government had a system:

[Carlos]: They had appointed an official intermediary with these criminal organizations, Carlos Marroquín, the director of the Social Fabric Reconstruction Unit, who functioned as a spokesperson, let’s say for the President or for the Government with these criminal organizations. They had invented a complex system so that the gangs could even give orders to their leaders on the outside, allowing the leaders from outside to enter the prisons without going through any security checks, and without any record being kept. However, a record was kept, which we later obtained, and that is how we made this information public.

[Silvia]: The system worked for a while. Homicide numbers were decreasing and Bukele maintained a public narrative as the people’s avenger against the gangs. When there was a spike in murders, he would retaliate. I’m sure you remember the photos that went around the world in 2020, which we mentioned in other episodes, with hundreds of prisoners in their underwear on the floor, packed in rows. That was when he decided to put rival gang members together in the same cells. And he also announced on Twitter that he was authorizing the use of lethal force.

[Eliezer]: Bukele accused previous administrations or politicians from other parties of having illegally negotiated with the gangs, but Zaira Navas says that he had seen in practice how it worked for the government of Mauricio Funes, who was president for the FMLN when Bukele was mayor of Nuevo Cuscatlán for the same party.

[Zaira]: He had a clear route: negotiating with these groups and that has been proven. Bukele’s security policy has been based on negotiating with these groups. When it got out of hand and these groups began to gain strength, to charge more money, to demand more, he turned to the emergency regime.

[Silvia]: That is, the measure we already mentioned: a suspension of rights that started in March 2022 and has been in place for almost two years. Carlos says that it was born as a reactive measure. It was a breaking point, where the parallel realities in which Bukele moved collided. The wave of homicides began on Friday, March 25, 2022, and lasted until Sunday, March 27.

[Carlos]: That weekend, I would say, everyone was in the dark, because we were all baffled by what was going on.

[Eliezer]: On Saturday, Carlos was reporting with two colleagues from El Faro in a community controlled by gangs, but they were ordered to leave and return to the newsroom until they knew what was going on. The death toll was rising steadily. There was no official data, and the only information they had was what was shared with them by the police union.

[Carlos]: The information that the police had, and had leaked through the union, made it clear to us that the people who were dying didn’t have a gang profile, nor were they soldiers or police officers; they weren’t registered or listed as gang members by the police. And in the initial inspections that look for tattoos or clues in their clothing, they also didn’t identify the presence of gangs…

[Silvia]: Because of the locations where the bodies appeared, they thought it was the Mara Salvatrucha, says Carlos, but the deaths didn’t match the gang’s usual violent activities, which generally focused on their rivals or state agents. They seemed to be killing people at random.

[Carlos]: So we were all in the dark; that is, we didn’t know exactly what the hell was going on there and nobody was giving us an explanation.

[Eliezer]: That Saturday night, Bukele asked the Assembly to decree the emergency regime. That day ended with 62 deaths, the largest death toll in 20 years. Among them was a body thrown at the side of the road leading to Surf City, the tourism and bitcoin paradise the president was trying to sell.

[Silvia]: It seemed clear that it was a message to the government, and a clear clue that homicides had been kept down by some kind of deal that, at that point, had been broken. There was no official explanation. Bukele shared a message on Twitter about an alleged US-led conspiracy to bring him down. A few months later, a journalist from France Press asked exactly that to El Salvador’s Vice President, Félix Ulloa.

[Sounbite archive, journalist]: And how then do you explain the fact that at the start of Nayib Bukele’s term homicides went down and then they suddenly went up again? Some say it was because those agreements with the gangs were broken and it was like a chain reaction.

[Archive soundbite, Félix Ulloa]: The people who say that do not understand El Salvador, nor do they understand how this government is run…

[Eliezer]: The Vice President began with a classic response: he said that the drop in homicides had been achieved thanks to the Territorial Control Plan. But then he told the journalist something surprising: that the sudden wave of homicides had nothing to do with a broken pact, but with El Salvador’s global success.

[Archive soundbite, Félix Ulloa]: The spike in gang activity was because in El Salvador we have been at the forefront of many economic measures that have established the country as a world leader, such as Bitcoin.

[Silvia]: Because major investors were coming in, Ulloa explained, the criminal groups saw an opportunity, and they also had support: 

[Archive soundbite, Félix Ulloa]: …Supported by the de facto powers and politicians of the past, who were ousted in the last elections, they launched an attack to discredit the government’s image.

[Eliezer]: In other words, the Vice President is basically saying that the gangs, with the help of opposition politicians, saw that the country was attracting large investments due to its pioneering economic measures, and they went out to kill people to tarnish Bukele’s success. 

[Carlos]: To this day, the government of President Bukele vehemently denies, with increasingly diminishing credibility, its agreements with these criminal organizations. The problem is that reality has caught up with him.

[Eliezer]: Carlos says this because, some time later, the Mara Salvatrucha not only confirmed to El Faro that they had killed 87 people when they felt the government had betrayed them, but they also shared quite telling recordings about that weekend.

[Silvia]: In those audio files you can hear how the official who was acting as an interlocutor between the government and the criminal groups tries to keep the agreement going while on the street they are killing people.  There he recognizes, among other things, that the Bukele government released one of the gang’s founding leaders, known as Hollywood Crook, who was in a maximum security prison in El Salvador, where he was to serve 40 years. He also had a formal extradition request from the United States for terrorism.

[Carlos Martínez]: To continue to maintain dialogue with the Mara Salvatrucha, he reminds them:

[Archive soundbite, Carlos Marroquín]: And I took the old man out from inside, brother, in a way to help everyone and to show you my loyalty and that you can trust me.

[Carlos]: He took this person out of the country and drove him personally, he insists personally, to Guatemala.

[Archive soundbite, Carlos Marroquín]: I personally went to bring him there and I personally went to leave him in Guatemala.

[Silvia]: Marroquín is trying to show that the government has indeed fulfilled its part of the pact. And it was important to convince them because the Mara Salvatrucha had given the government a 72-hour ultimatum to meet their demands and resume negotiations. In this audio, Marroquín says that he told Bukele…

[Archive soundbite, Carlos Marroquín]: I already told Batman that he has 72 hours to give an answer.

[Silvia]: But in that conversation it’s understood that there is no going back…

[Archive soundbite, Carlos Marroquín]: He didn’t take it well, he took it badly, like “don’t go around threatening me” and so on.

[Eliezer]: Batman, as they called Bukele in those negotiations, apparently wanted nothing to do with it anymore. He had met with his security cabinet and was about to discover the benefits of another strategy used by previous governments: the iron fist. But in this case, with superpowers.

[Zaira]: Just as they extorted the Salvadoran population, the gangs also extorted Bukele and his government. And we’ve seen how Bukele complied with them, right? He took several gang members out of prison, he moved them to different places to receive medical care, like private hospitals. He moved them from maximum security prisons to lower security prisons, etc. But this pressure kept rising and rising, until it eventually reached breaking point, and the gang tried to pressure Bukele by showing their strength. What they hadn’t realized is that during this time Bukele had taken over the institutions of state control.

[Silvia]: Zaira explains that Bukele didn’t have any new ideas, but rather recycled what the traditional parties in her country had already done. Almost 20 years earlier, for example, President Francisco Flores, of the ARENA party, launched the «iron fist plan” to combat gangs. 

[Archive soundbite, Francisco Flores]: I want to tell our people clearly that I am not concerned about the welfare of criminals. I am concerned about the welfare of honest Salvadorans…

[Eliezer]: Then came President Antonio Saca, also from ARENA. This time, he announced the «super iron fist» plan to combat gangs. 

[Archive soundbite, Antonio Saca]: To the criminals and thugs, with great certainty and determination, I say that time is up. Tonight, fulfilling the presidential promise for a safe country, we are launching the super iron fist plan…

[Silvia]: Carlos tells us that, every time, it was pretty much the same: overdramatic advertising campaigns that had no real impact. Or, if anything, they made the situation worse. But Bukele had something they didn’t have.

[Carlos Martínez]: This iron fist was characterized by the absolute control of the State, including the Judiciary, the Attorney General, the Police, the Army, the Legislative Assembly, and the Supreme Court of Justice, which should have exercised constitutional control over the emergency regime.

[Eliezer]: But, in addition, he says that the government had managed to co-opt gang leaders, with whom he had made a deal.

[Carlos]: So, when the Mara Salvatrucha decided to carry out that horrible massacre of civilians in the street, and the government went after them, it found a gang without leaders, without leadership, and it had all the resources to act. Without rights, without guarantees, without press, without anything, it could do whatever it pleased. And indeed. I mean. That’s another characteristic of this iron fist approach that the previous ones didn’t have; they dismantled the gangs.

[Eliezer]: This is key because it substantially changed the lives of communities controlled by gangs. Carlos uses this phrase to describe the effect it had on the population: the majority of people, he says, felt like «a hand was taken off their throat.» At least momentarily, the government had achieved something that seemed impossible: dismantling the gangs, and that explains the enormous popularity this measure had. Many people experienced for the first time what it was like to live without fear, and the price to pay for that didn’t matter. When the scorched earth policy worked, the Bukele government understood that it had a weapon of enormous effectiveness, which justified everything.

[Carlos]: They quickly realized that this was an extremely powerful tool in terms of popularity, due to the real effects it had produced in relieving people’s suffering. There were also the infinite possibilities it had for propagandizing and marketing this measure, until it converted anyone who questioned the emergency regime for its human rights track record, legality, rule of law, or presumption of innocence among gang allies.

[Silvia]: To the government, anyone who asked uncomfortable questions about its war policy was a traitor. This is what the Vice President of El Salvador, Félix Ulloa, said when a journalist asked him what happened to the detainees of the regime who had died in prison without any charges being proved against them.

[Archive soundbite, Félix Ulloa]: In a time of war, and I am going to quote the words of Saint Ignatius of Loyola, who says that in a besieged city any dissent is treason. Those who are currently questioning, whether from the journalistic field, from the so-called institutions that supposedly defend human rights, or political analysts, who are attacking the government’s policies, be careful because they are playing into the hands of organized crime, of gangs, and it is an act of betrayal to the people.

[Eliezer]: We’ll be right back.

[Daniel Alarcón]: The production company behind «Bukele, el señor de los sueños» is Radio Ambulante Studios. And we have two other podcasts you should listen to. Every Tuesday, we release Radio Ambulante. Stories of families, migration, adventure, and love. And every Friday, we release El hilo, where we cover and thoroughly explain an impactful news story from Latin America. Look for Radio Ambulante and El hilo on your preferred podcast app.

[Carlos Martínez]: We are right now traveling along the Litoral highway, which is the one that runs along, let’s say, the whole of El Salvador’s Pacific Coast by the sea, and we are going to Puerto El Triunfo, from where we are going to embark on the trip to Espíritu Island.

[Eliezer]: It’s a Thursday in late November, and it’s only a few minutes to Puerto El Triunfo, where we have to be before noon. The crossing to Espíritu Santo is quick, 15 or 20 minutes by boat, but if it’s low tide when we get to the port, we have to wait for it to rise again before we can leave. Carlos is telling me how he first came to the island without gangs, as he described it in a text he published more than a year ago.

[Carlos]: When the emergency regime began, especially in the first few months, the number of arrests increased exponentially every day, every week. And we as a newspaper started paying attention to what was happening, I received a call from a lady who works for a charity that offered scholarships to people who normally wouldn’t have the opportunity and they had a scholarship program on the island. So, this lady calls me in shock to tell me that they had already arrested 22 people on the island at that time, and it’s a very, very, very… it’s the definition of rural. But also, as in the story I just told you, there were no gangs on the island, which made the aggression and injustice very, very obvious.

[Silvia]: Because of this, in El Espíritu Santo you could see how the different methods of arrest under the emergency regime operated openly, and the reason for the opacity of the judicial process.

[Zaira]: At the beginning they started entering houses under the excuse that they were implementing Operation Safe House. That’s how the regime started knocking on people’s doors. Yes, if you’ve done nothing wrong, you have nothing to fear. Accompanied by a big publicity campaign that stated terrorists would go to jail. And if you are innocent, don’t worry, nothing will happen to you. At the beginning it was one policeman with three soldiers, and later just soldiers.

[Eliezer]: The people of the island say that this is how they captured a group of six people in El Espíritu Santo in early July 2022, about three months after the beginning of the emergency regime. Among them was a minor, Samuel, 17 years old, the only one convicted so far of those detained on the island. The boy’s mother, Mrs. Virginia, says that on the evening of July 3, soldiers arrived and asked all the men to leave the house with their IDs. She was with her husband and children. Samuel was eating. 

[Mrs. Virginia]: When he came out, they told him to show his ID and he said “No, I’m a minor.” “So give me your, your, your minor’s card…”

[Silvia]: Virginia says that they took his ID, compared his photo with one that the soldiers had on their phone, and took him away.

[Eliezer]: That’s how they went looking for people that whole night, in the same way, house by house, according to the accounts of their families. This is Mrs. Betty, mother of one of the men taken away that night.

[Betty]: It was a Sunday and they came to take them away starting at six in the evening until about eight, nine, ten o’clock at night. When they came, when they took my son from here, they took him at 7:30 at night. They made everyone go outside the house.

[Silvia]: They all say the same thing, where they were, what day it was, what time the soldiers arrived to look for them, because the official version of how they were arrested is very, very different.

[Carlos Martínez]: An Army sergeant, Sergeant Ángel Montesinos, claims that on the morning of July 4, he found a group of six individuals on the basketball court located a block and a half away from the military post on the island. They had gathered to take food and supplies to gang members who were hiding, according to him, in the mangroves…

[Silvia]: El Espíritu Santo Island is surrounded by mangroves, a forest of trees that grow where the land and marine environments meet.

[Carlos]: …and that when he intercepted them, they tried to escape, but through a flanking manoeuvre he was able to capture them and among them he recognized the only one in the group who was a minor. He claims that he had seen that boy on a previous occasion, although he can’t remember which day or month, entering the mangroves with supplies and leaving without supplies.

[Eliezer]: The grounds that the sergeant used to justify the capture of those men was absurd in any situation, but on that island, it was also obscene because the community wasn’t broken by indifference. When they held the court hearing for her son Samuel’s case, the youngest of those taken that night, Mrs. Virginia said that she couldn’t contain herself when she heard the soldier lying like that.

[Mrs. Virginia]: I began to feel distressed when Montesinos was saying that he had caught them on the court and that they were putting food there. I thought, what can I do deep down? I grabbed my husband’s hand and squeezed it, telling him that what they were saying was a lie.

[Silvia]: And so, after her son was convicted, Mrs. Virginia decided to do something unusual in light of the imbalance of power that the inhabitants of the island were experiencing: report the sergeant for false testimony. 

[Carlos Martínez]: That is, to go to a trial, to go to a judge, and to ask the Attorney General to accuse an Army sergeant on their behalf for lying in court. And because those lies led to this boy’s ten-year sentence. The boy’s mother sought solidarity from others who also had their sons in prison. And, far from fearing reprisal from the State for speaking out, for speaking to the media, for going to the Attorney General’s Office and for telling their truth, they supported her, knowing that all the possibilities I have just mentioned are more than real at this moment in El Salvador.

[Eliezer]: When we went to the island, in November 2023, Mrs. Virginia had had to sell two of the four pigs she owned in order to pay for the journey and to feed the people who accompanied her, those who hadn’t left her alone. I asked her what the soldiers had told her when they went to look for Samuel, what their excuse was for taking him away.

[Mrs. Virginia]: They just came with what was supposedly a photograph of him and they told him: “They call you ‘blade’.» “No”, he told them, “They call me ‘leftie’”, because my son’s dream was to go abroad and play to help me out. He told me, “Mom, with this left foot” — and he’d touch me with his little foot — “with this left foot you are going to eat”.

[Eliezer]: Mrs. Virginia told me that she didn’t care about the money, that she just wanted her son back. Now, even the money she had received from the government during the pandemic seemed to hurt her. 

[Mrs. Virginia]: Money can’t buy happiness. As I say to Mr. President, I thank him because he gave us $300 and those $300 have tripled what we have given. I don’t blame the President because he’s not guilty. The guilty ones are those who are out there doing things they shouldn’t be doing. I’m just telling him to examine what’s going on inside, the people who are working there. Because if he’s saying that he wants to clean up the Salvadoran people, then he should start examining those who are working on the inside.

[Silvia]: A fortnight after the start of the emergency regime, in April 2022, the police union began to report that the authorities were demanding «daily arrest quotas,» and that this was leading to misconduct. On the island, the relatives of some of those arrested told Carlos and Eliezer that the police and military were receiving money for each person captured. This was their explanation for what was happening in their community.  Because, on that island where everyone knew each other and knew what everyone was up to, they began to ask where the names of the detainees had come from, why they had gone to look for them.

[Eliezer]: Below the surface, the arrests on the island began to unravel the fabric that had held the community together for decades. Carlos says that what neither the civil war nor the gangs had been able to break became possible with a tool that the government made available to the population in the first months of the regime: the telephone number to make anonymous accusations.

[Zaira Navas]: All the countries that have lived through dictatorships or authoritarian regimes have suffered from anonymous accusations, informants, or whatever they are called in each country. Anyone, because of debts, because of bad blood, even because of inheritance disputes, or because of personal reasons, can call a telephone number that has been published and placed in any corner of the country to accuse another person and say this house or this person with this name who sells in this place is a gang member.

[Silvia]: In El Espíritu Santo, people began to suspect that those arrested had been accused by their neighbors. Out of envy, because they wanted someone else’s partner, because of a dispute, because they were competing for the same clients…

[Carlos Martínez]: Since the accusations are anonymous, people make assumptions that are in some cases more or less informed. But yes, the idea of the boogeyman of the island has been created, that is to say, that there are neighbors who are willing to stab their neighbors in the back. And I don’t know how to undo that.

[Sandra]: Now there is immense pain in families, in the families of those arrested. And the families of those arrested already know who the people are who grabbed that dagger and stabbed them mercilessly. It’s a lie to say that this community will be united again, that this community will become bearable like it was before. Before, we shared each other’s pain. Before, if someone died, everyone was there at the vigil, sharing the family’s pain. And now?

[Eliezer]: Once in San Salvador, after returning from the island, I asked Carlos what it meant to him, after so many years of covering and investigating gangs and criminal power dynamics in his country, to be covering the emergency regime today:

[Carlos Martínez]: Trying to understand, for example, a community that has been attacked in a way that seems cruel to me, well, it’s tough. Right now, this is the situation that this country is in. Somehow, reporting politics in a way that I never expected to cover, well, because we’re focusing on a word that only appeared in the sepia-toned images of my parents and their generation that led to a civil war: dictatorship. So, when I discover the horror of the testimonies of people who have been through the regime’s prisons and the unspeakable torture and horrors they have seen in those prisons. Or, when I go to a community of farmers who never had gangs, I understand that I’m covering the future of my country and that I’m covering the essence of what the power is made up of in the country and therefore I see it as political coverage.

[Eliezer]: By the end of 2023, seven civil organizations reported that reports of human rights violations they had received under the emergency rule totaled more than 5,700 cases. The grounds for the reports range from arbitrary detentions to inhumane treatment and torture, limited access to healthcare, internal displacement and enforced disappearance, among others. The organizations also recorded 189 cases of death, most of them in state custody.

[Silvia]: Zaira Navas explained to us that, according to Cristosal’s investigation, only 10% of the people who had died in the penal centers under the state of exception had ties to gangs. In the report they published one year after this measure, they provided a staggering statistic: less than 1% of the detainees up to that point had been charged with specific crimes associated with gangs, such as homicides and extortion. The vast majority of arrests, the report says, were made under ambiguous charges like Criminal Association, which allowed for discretionary and arbitrary arrests.

Shortly after the beginning of the emergency regime, a journalist asked the country’s Vice President, Félix Ulloa, what happened to those detainees who had died in the penal centers without having been formally charged. He defined it simply:

[Archive soundbite, Félix Ulloa]: Always, in a war, there will be innocent victims, there will be collateral damage, which must be corrected…

[Eliezer]: In December 2023, a court ordered the immediate release of Samuel, the son of Mrs. Virginia, who had been sentenced to ten years in prison. This court, a higher chamber than the one that convicted Samuel, considered that there was not enough evidence to sentence him and that there were inconsistencies in the sergeant’s version. With the release order in hand, Virginia has gone to the juvenile detention center where her son is three times, but the authorities refused to release him, without any explanation. When he was arrested on the island of El Espíritu Santo on June 3, 2022, Samuel was 17 years old. He is now 19 and still in prison.

[Eliezer]: In the next episode…

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: The Constitution does not allow the same person to be president twice in a row.

[Héctor Lindo]: Salvadoran constitutions have rejected reelection in a very strict manner.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: After talking it over with my wife Gabriela, and with my family, I am announcing to the Salvadoran people that I have decided to run as a candidate for the President of the Republic…

[Amparo Marroquín]: The result of an election like this one confirms that Bukele’s political communication strategy is the most successful in the region, isn’t it? That is to say, that the narrative he promotes allows for the dismantling of democracy, and everyone seems to agree.

[Gabriel]: Basically, it’s going to be the ticket that the President needs to launch a more intolerant and repressive agenda, I believe.

[Eliezer]: This series was made possible thanks to the support of the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting, Free Press Unlimited, Article 19 Mexico and Central America, the Foundation for Press Freedom (FLIP), and Dejusticia. Additionally, we thank FLIP for their advice and legal review, and Riesgo Cruzado for their valuable support in protection and security matters.

The producers and reporters of «Bukele: el señor de Los sueños» are Silvia Viñas and me. Gabriel Labrador is our reporter and on-site producer. Desireé Yépez is our digital producer. Daniel Alarcón and Camila Segura are our editors. Carlos Dada is our editorial consultant. The fact-checkers are Bruno Scelza and Desireé Yépez. Selene Mazón is the production assistant. The music, mixing, and sound design are by Elías González. The graphic design and art direction are by Diego Corzo. The web development is by Paola Ponce. Thanks to Jonathan Blitzer for his support.

«Bukele, el señor de Los sueños» is a podcast from Central, the series channel of Radio Ambulante Estudios.

From Radio Ambulante Studios, the production co-directors are Natalia Ramírez and Laura Rojas Aponte, with the assistance of Paola Alean. The audience and digital production team is formed by Samantha Proaño, Ana Pais, Analía Llorente and Melisa Rabanales. Press and community management is handled by Juan David Naranjo.

Camilo Jiménez Santofimio is the director of alliances and financing. Carolina Guerrero is the executive producer of Central and the CEO of Radio Ambulante Estudios.

You can follow us on social media as centralpodcast RA and subscribe to our newsletter at centralpodcast.audio.

I am Eliezer Budasoff. Thank you for listening.

Credits

Produced and reported by: Silvia Viñas and Eliezer Budasoff

Produced and reported on site by: Carlos Martínez and Gabriel Labrador

Digital Production: Desireé Yepez

Edited by: Daniel Alarcón and Camila Segura

Editorial Consulting: Carlos Dada

Fact-checking: Bruno Scelza and Desirée Yépez

Production Assistant: Selene Mazón

Music and Sound Design: Elías González

Graphic Design and Art Direction: Diego Corzo

EPISODE 4. The gospel (of Bitcoin), according to Bukele

Central BESDLS Ep 4 1400x1400 1

[Nelson Rauda]: The first time I heard the word Bitcoin, I heard it from the mouth of a young gringo named Jack Mallers, who announced to the world and to me that we, Salvadorans, were going to have a new currency.

[Eliezer Budasoff]: This is Nelson Rauda, a Salvadoran journalist. He writes for El Faro about politics, violence… But in recent years he has become a kind of correspondent for Bitcoin, this new currency he is talking about. 

[Nelson Rauda]: I’ve written over 40 Bitcoin articles in the last three years, so I never know whether to say sorry or have people thank me.

[Silvia Viñas]: That moment Nelson just mentioned, when a young American announced that El Salvador was going to adopt Bitcoin, was Saturday, June 5, 2021, at a Bitcoin conference in Miami. The young man is Jack Mallers. In his twenties he launched an application called Strike to make payments in Bitcoin. In 2021 he appeared on Forbes’ “30 under 30” list.

Mallers announced from the stage that El Salvador would have a new currency. He was wearing a sweatshirt with a hoodie and a cap. Under that, he would later reveal, he was wearing the jersey of the El Salvador soccer team. Mallers told a little of what went on behind the scenes…

Archive Audio, Jack Mallers: They asked me to help write a bill, and that they viewed Bitcoin as a world-class currency… and that we needed to put together a Bitcoin plan to help these people

[Eliezer]: He says that the Bukele Government, which saw Bitcoin as a world-class currency, requested his support to write a bill. They said this plan was to help Salvadorans. He continues talking, and you can sense the emotion in his voice. He says this project was to give people hope. Quality of life.

Archive Audio, Jack Mallers: To give them hope, to give them a quality of life, so that you can live where you’re born and you don’t have to leave and when you send money home they’re not going to take fucking half of it [applause].

[Silvia]: Mallers says this is so that Salvadorans can stay where they were born, and so that, when they send money, half of it won’t be taken away. He is referring to commissions for remittances. This is important, because every year the country receives millions of dollars from Salvadorans living abroad. In 2023, for example, remittances were 9 billion dollars. That is more than 20% of the country’s Gross Domestic Product.

Mallers says that he worked very hard on this project, that he lived in El Salvador and made friends who, he hopes, will one day come to his wedding. And then, he introduces Bukele:

Archive Audio, Jack Mallers: I’d like to invite now someone I’ve spent some time with to share a message.

[Eliezer]: A video of Bukele begins, with the volume a little low at the beginning. 

Archive Audio, Bukele: My name is Nayib Bukele and I’m the President of El Salvador…

[Eliezer]: He announces, in English, that he is going to send a bill to the Legislative Assembly for El Salvador to adopt Bitcoin as legal tender. As a second currency, because the main currency, since 2001, has been the dollar. The audience in Miami is so excited that they start applauding before he finishes explaining everything.

Archive Audio, Bukele: ….outside the formal economy. And in the medium and long term…

[Silvia]: Bukele had just made a historic announcement for Bitcoin fans. And in the end, it was a message for them, that’s why it was in English. The Salvadoran president was opening the doors for them so they could fulfill their crypto dreams. How it would affect Salvadorans seemed secondary. They found out that Bitcoin would be their legal tender that day as well, in this announcement that was made in Miami, in English.

[Nelson]: This is not a public policy made for us. We pay for it.  We finance it. It is done with our resources. But it is directed at other people.

[Silvia]: This is El señor de Los sueños, a podcast from Radio Ambulante Estudios. I’m Silvia Viñas.

[Eliezer]: And I’m Eliezer Budasoff. Episode 4: The Crypto-Evangelist President.

[Nelson]: Bitcoin is one of Bukele’s first policies that he made after democracy was dismantled. You couldn’t do this in a democracy.

[Eliezer]: Let’s remember that the month before this announcement, in May 2021, the new Legislative Assembly had begun in El Salvador, controlled by the Bukelists. And the first thing the representatives did was to dismiss the magistrates of the Constitutional Court and the Attorney General. You see, the judicial power made Bukele uncomfortable. The judges had blocked some of his policies to combat the pandemic, and the Prosecutor’s Office was investigating the Government for its negotiations with gangs and for irregular contracts during the health crisis. In their place, the representatives appointed people connected to the Government.

It was the end of the separation of powers, and a triumph for Bukele, although it came at a cost: the international community criticized these moves as authoritarian. So Bukele, as he had done at other times, found a way to distract from this negative attention. And, in true style, he did it quickly. Three days after that announcement in English that we heard a moment ago, Bukele sent the Bitcoin Bill to the Assembly.

[Nelson]: I remember I was at my father’s house. We are watching a soccer game with the Salvadoran team. The game was just starting and I was about to sit down to watch the game, when my boss calls me, and he said, look, this is happening at the Assembly, get on it. And I said, ok. 

[Eliezer]: So Nelson went to the Assembly and began to listen to the representatives, to see what this bill was about. One said that it was not going to be mandatory to adopt Bitcoin. But Nelson realized that at the same time, there was a live conversation in Spaces, on Twitter, that contradicted what was being said in the Assembly. President Bukele and his brother Karim were participating there, speaking in English…

[Nelson]: Explaining to investors and other people, gringos and Europeans: Well, yes, this is going to be mandatory. At McDonald’s they will have to accept your Bitcoin. So I… while in the Assembly, I stopped listening to what the representatives who were going to approve the bill were saying and I started listening to Space, and they were saying much more, giving more valuable information.

[Eliezer]: The committee in charge of examining the law took 85 minutes to review it.

[Nelson]: And the soccer game thing was on purpose because a soccer game lasts 90 minutes plus stoppage time, right? So the game started, it wasn’t over yet, and they had already finished discussing it, and even after they finished, El Salvador scored another goal and we were 3 to 0. I think we won, which I think was the only victory that day for the country.

[Eliezer]: The Assembly approved it in 5 hours, total.  

[Silvia]: What has been the most complex, the most difficult part of this whole process?

Nelson: Understanding it. I mean, this is a super, super complex topic. That is, cryptocurrencies do not have any inherent value; they are pieces of computer code not tied to anything in the real world. I mean, yeah, if you talk about the shares of a company like Apple, well, Apple produces iPhones and computers and I don’t know what, so those are… it’s tied to something real. What is cryptocurrency tied to? Nothing. In the case of Bitcoin, in the case of other things, right? Because there are more than 20,000 cryptocurrencies. So it was like that pressure of having to understand, and having to understand it in spite of the fact that I was looking at this with a lot of skepticism and sometimes with anger. I mean, as a Salvadoran it did make me very mad and angry that a little gringo guy at a conference in Miami, who was weeping, wearing the jersey of Salvador’s national team, would say we are going to change the world, everything is going to be wonderful, whatever. When I know what this country is, I am from here; when, when I know the situation, the inequality, when I know this government quite well.

[Eliezer]: We’ll talk more about the Bitcoin Act in a moment, but first, like Nelson when he started covering this topic, we need to understand the basics… 

[Silvia]: How do you explain what Bitcoin is in one or two sentences to someone who doesn’t know what Bitcoin is?

[Nelson]: In one or two sentences. Bitcoin is a financial alternative, let’s say. It is an alternative in which if you distrust the banks and the monetary system, you can use this alternative thing, as an experiment, you see? Let’s say that the simple way these people explain it to you is that with Bitcoin you are your own bank, you get these things and the central idea, let’s say, of its creator or creators, which is an anonymous entity that calls itself Satoshi Nakamoto, is a peer-to-peer exchange, an exchange between people without any entities as intermediaries, such as a bank or something else. That is basically the idea. 

[Eliezer]: Bitcoin is considered the first cryptocurrency. It began operating in January 2009, but was born in 2008, in the midst of widespread discontent due to the global financial crisis. Many people lost their homes, their investments and savings because of bad decisions by the people who control the financial system. And then the US government bailed out the banks, at taxpayers’ expense. So, Bitcoiners are convinced that the financial system does not work, that it is unfair.

[Nelson]: And they propose this other way that in theory is a… I mean, it has its logic, it has its appeal.

[Eliezer]: In Latin America, the countries that have adopted this cryptocurrency the most are those with the highest inflation: Argentina and Venezuela.

[Tatiana]: The roots of Bitcoin are very different from how it works now. Bitcoin does not mean that the roots have been good.

[Eliezer]: This is Tatiana Marroquín, a Salvadoran economist. She worked in the Legislative Assembly as a technician on fiscal and Treasury issues and is now an independent consultant. Tatiana explained to us that, in general, in the world, Bitcoin is now mostly used as a speculative asset, that is, an investment that involves a risk.

[Tatiana]: That’s why a friend could come up to me and say I want to invest in Bitcoin because that’s the logic, right? You don’t say I want to invest in dollars, right? At least on a day-to-day basis, that’s not the case. So, what I would say to my friend would be, well, only invest what you are willing to lose because you can win a lot, but you can also lose a lot. So if you want to invest in that, go ahead. Or here are other slightly less risky options.

[Eliezer]: The risk exists, in part, because the price of Bitcoin is very volatile. In 2023, for example, its value fluctuated between 16 thousand and 44 thousand dollars per unit. But that is not the only risk.

[Nelson]: As an alternative to the traditional financial system, well, there are some things about the financial system that I think are not superfluous. That is, all its money-laundering preventions. When you mention KYC to a Bitcoiner, which is the banks’ know-your-client policies to prevent money laundering, they make a face because that is like a way for them to control your money. Also Bitcoin has to do with a lot of libertarian ideology, Ayn Rand and this type of freedom to the end thing.

[Silvia]: So, is there an ideology behind Bitcoin? No? What is it that moves people to get into this? What are their motivations?

[Nelson]: I think they believe they are going to change the world. I have a Christian background, that is, I have been in evangelical churches all my life. So, listening to these people, I saw many similarities and then there are people who said so directly. I was beginning to hear phrases like a Guatemalan who told me that it was easier for the sun to go out than for Bitcoin’s price to reach zero. There are people who compared it directly to Christianity. They call themselves evangelists. There are apostles, that is, great gurus on this subject, who go around the world preaching the gospel of Satoshi Nakamoto. So, when I began to understand it as a cult, I said ok, I understand them.

[Eliezer]: And in his attempts to understand the philosophy behind this cryptocurrency, there is a question that Nelson asks Bitcoiners:

[Nelson]: “Bitcoin is supposed to be a way to separate the currency from the State because you don’t trust the State. That’s the philosophy. So why are Bitcoiners so quick to embrace an authoritarian government? That is, did you want the State or did you not want the State?” Bitcoiners always say— their slogan is always, «don’t trust, verify», because that is what the system is supposed to do: it doesn’t trust an intermediary, so it verifies through mathematical transactions conducted by computers. So why do they trust Bukele’s government so much? And why don’t they verify what he says? Bukele has tweeted that he buys one Bitcoin every day. Have you verified it? Do you think he is telling the truth? Why do all the governments in the world lie, but this one is suddenly honest and wonderful and sincere and God’s gift to the world? And I still haven’t found one Bitcoiner who can satisfactorily answer that for me.

[Silvia]: What is known about when or how Bukele became interested in cryptocurrency?

[Nelson]: Very little, because the Bukeles, of all the virtues that people attribute to them, transparency is not one of them. Since the Bukeles have not expressed, and the President has not explained, that origin, much of what we know in El Salvador we know from the mouths of Bitcoiners who have confessed or said, in English, how this happened. The first thing was Jack Mallers.

[Eliezer]: Mallers was in El Zonte and one of Bukele’s brothers contacted him. In an interview, Mallers said he was very scared because he didn’t know what they were going to say to him.

[Nelson]: But he went to the meeting, and from that point on he began to talk with them, and that is where the talks began that led to that announcement in 2021.

[Eliezer]: Two weeks after this announcement at the Bitcoin conference in Miami, which we heard at the beginning of the episode, Bukele gave an interview to Peter McCormack, an Englishman who has a podcast about Bitcoin. 

Archive Audio, McCormack: Hello again. Mr. President, thank you for having me here, you’ve made quite some history…

[Eliezer]: McCormack asks him what led him to make El Salvador the first country to adopt Bitcoin as legal tender. Bukele says that there are two types of decisions. Some have to do with historical debts, such as fighting the gangs. And others are decisions that look forward, towards the future…

Archive Audio, podcast, Bukele: Not to foresee the future, but at least to know where the world is going and to get there first, so your people will get some benefit out of it.

[Eliezer]: Not to predict it, says Bukele, but to see where the world is moving, to be able to get there first and have the people benefit from it. Bitcoin, of course, is this second type of decision. Bitcoin is the future.

Archive Audio, podcast, Bukele: The Bitcoin system is so perfect, I think it’s going to be the future.

[Eliezer]: He says there are also practical reasons for doing this, such as being able to receive remittances immediately, with almost no fees, or reaching the 70% of people who do not have a bank account. He also says that this will bring investments in tourism, and that it will make the country, which is dollarized, less dependent on the production of new dollars and the inflation of those dollars.

[Silvia]: So, to achieve this, make it public policy, and there is the Bitcoin Act, which, as Nelson told us, was expressly approved by an Assembly controlled by Bukele. It is a brief. It has sixteen articles and they are quite general.

[Nelson]: The law essentially says that Bitcoin is legal currency and that all of us who make transactions are obliged to accept it the way we accept dollars, which is our currency, American dollars.

[Silvia]: A few weeks after the Assembly approved the law, Bukele went on a national network to explain what it was all about. 

Archive Audio, Nayib Bukele: This law was made to generate employment, to generate investment, and it will never affect anyone, as the opponents have tried to say with their dirty campaign and trying to confuse Salvadorans by making them believe that they are going to be affected by a law that has no other objective than to benefit them.

[Silvia]: It lasted almost an hour… More than once he refers to Article 7, one of articles that caused most concern, because it seemed that the law forced people to use Bitcoin.

Archive Audio, Nayib Bukele: By taking it out of context and putting only Article 7, well yes, it would seem that everyone is obliged to accept Bitcoin as a form of payment and therefore receive the Bitcoin. But it’s not like that. Economic agents, that is, businesses, are obliged to accept Bitcoin but not to receive it. 

[Silvia]: Accept, but not receive. People began to joke on social networks about what the difference would be between accepting and receiving. It made more sense when Bukele announced, on that same national network, an electronic wallet called “Chivo” or Chivo Wallet. Chivo in El Salvador means something similar to “cool.” With this wallet, which is an app that you download to your cell phone, people can send you Bitcoins and if you want, you convert them to dollars. So, Bukele was saying, don’t worry, you have no obligation to receive Bitcoins because with this app, this Chivo electronic wallet, you can convert them to dollars automatically. So, if you are a seller and someone wants to pay you in Bitcoin, you have to accept it, but since the Chivo Wallet can convert it to dollars, what you receive can be dollars, if you want, rather than in Bitcoin.

Bukele announced an incentive for people who downloaded the Chivo Wallet: everyone would receive $30 in Bitcoin.

[Nelson]: Then people used the Chivo Wallet to get their $30 and many of them never used it again. The Chivo Wallet was a spectacular failure. People gave it a chance. The app was horrible, it crashed, transactions were not recorded, people lost money. There were many people like me who couldn’t get the $30 bonus because someone used our DUI, someone used my DUI, my ID, to get those $30 and transfer them to their account. That happened to thousands of people. The government has taken prosecuted people very discreetly—this was published by Factum Magazine—people who committed fraud with the Chivo Wallet. People who, for example, one day transferred $20 from their Chivo Wallet to their bank account, but the $20 was not debited from their balance in the wallet, so they did it again and it worked again, and they kept on doing it until they got thousands of dollars from people because the app was very defective, so the prosecutor’s office went after them. So people are very patient in El Salvador and have allowed Bukele and consented to everything. When he got involved with money, they said look, we don’t have that much.

[Nelson]: The first major protest that took place on September 15, 2021 was days after the Bitcoin Law went into effect. Bitcoin was one of the reasons why people went out to protest, not the only one, but one of the reasons why they went out to protest. Then, as he realized that it was unpopular, that people didn’t like it, and that his Chivo Wallet had been a failure, he started talking less about Bitcoin. He no longer mentions Bitcoin. Not in Spanish.

[Silvia]: Bukele went almost a year and a half without tweeting about Bitcoin in Spanish. In June 2022 he tweeted, quote: “I see some people are worried or anxious about the price of Bitcoin on the market.” His advice is to stop looking at the graph and enjoy life because, if you invested in Bitcoin, your investment is safe and the value will grow… He says the key is to be patient. This, by the way, is similar to what we’ve seen him do before: he takes something negative and changes its meaning to make it seem like a victory, or at least something logical. When the price is falling, he talks about Bitcoin in Spanish as an investment. But the law he promoted does not refer to Bitcoin as an investment… The law made it legal tender. An official currency is used for daily transactions, not for investing. But if people are not using it in their daily lives, all there is left is to tweet about Bitcoin as an investment. 

The next time he tweeted in Spanish about Bitcoin was in December 2023. Again, almost a year and a half later. He shared an explanatory video—in Spanish with English subtitles—about why El Salvador does not sell its Bitcoins. This video, by the way, was posted when the price of Bitcoin was rising.

[Silvia]: Nelson told me that when Bukele talks about Bitcoin, he does so in English, like it is a more outward-looking policy. Do you see it that way too?

[Tatiana]: Yes, yes, yes. In El Salvador, to talk about Bitcoin is to remember the failure of the government. So I think where they are in Bitcoin, apart from the business that the government has with some people, which we know very little about, Bitcoin, the part of the government that has remained is the tourism attraction. So I think they have held on to that and that’s why continue to speak to this niche of people.

[Silvia]: How does the fact that this Bitcoin law exists and that on paper, it is legal tender, affect the average Salvadoran?

Tatiana: I think that at this point, the way it affects you, well, first, that there are many components of the law that can be applied and that have not been applied, such as the payment of salaries, for example.

[Tatiana]: So let’s say the law is still a risk, even if it’s not being enforced that way. But in practical terms it clearly affects the public funds.

[Silvia]: The Government says that it has been buying Bitcoin with public funds since 2021. But we do not know how much it has bought. And that is only part of the expenses, because the Chivo Wallet, the ATMs, the bonus, the propaganda—all that It costs money.

[Tatiana]: We do not know how public funds are being used. We know that they are being used, that there are new institutions, that they have created institutions related to Bitcoin, that they continue to create laws for cryptocurrencies, etc. And all that involves state offices, state personnel, etc. The same goes for what was invested in Bitcoin, we don’t know where all that money is, and it is not being used for priority issues for the Salvadoran population economically, for example. So I think that is where it’s affecting us the most.

[Silvia]: Do you by any chance accept Bitcoin here?

Seller 1: No, we haven’t implemented that yet…

Seller 2: Bitcoin? No.

[Silvia]: Really, oh ok. It’s fine.

[Silvia]: One question, do you accept Bitcoin here? If someone wanted to pay in…

Hotel employee: Yes, of course

[Silvia]: Oh okay. Got it.

[Silvia]: When I was in San Salvador, almost every time I bought something, I asked if they accepted Bitcoin. Only two places said they did. The one you just heard, which is a hotel belonging to an international chain, and a Mexican food restaurant in a mall.

[Silvia]: Out of curiosity, do you accept Bitcoin?

Restaurant employee: Yes.

[Silvia]: You do? Ok, but is it common for people to pay in Bitcoin?

Restaurant employee: No, no, it’s about one person every two weeks.

[Silvia]: It can’t be heard very clearly, but she says it is not common. That one person pays with Bitcoin every two weeks.

[Silvia]: And foreigners, I imagine?

Restaurant employee: Yes, just like you.

[Silvia]: Yes, foreigners, “just like you,” she said.

[Eliezer]: This, of course, is not a very large sample, nor scientific. But surveys and studies have been carried out on the use of Bitcoin in El Salvador. An early 2023 survey by the University Institute of Public Opinion found that 74% of Salvadorans did not use Bitcoin to buy or pay in 2022. Of those who did, a third had used it only once. And according to a study by the National Bureau of Economic Research, only 20% of companies operating in El Salvador accept Bitcoin.

After the break. We’ll go to the beach that promises to immerse you in a Bitcoin economy, where it all began: El Zonte. We’ll be back after a pause.

[MIDROLL]

[Silvia]: Where are we, Nelson?

[Nelson]: Entering El Zonte. Well, Surf City, but on the dirt road.

[Silvia]: The road from San Salvador to El Zonte, especially as it gets closer to the beach, is modern and a very comfortable drive. That, in July 2023, changed once you entered El Zonte. I’m with Nelson in a rental car. We’re going down a dirt road with a lot holes. That explains the noise, and our trembling voices.

[Silvia]: Surf City is the name Bukele gave it. 

[Nelson]: Yes, Surf City is… He has this tendency to name things in English. 

[Silvia]: Before becoming Surf City, what was El Zonte?

[Nelson]: I think it’s still more or less the same. It’s a surf beach that has now a little more infrastructure, a little more… a few restaurants, some hotels, but essentially it is still what it is. [Because when you hear Surf City, you say, how developed, that tourist enclave. Acapulco, right? It’s not that. This is Surf City: the women carrying crates on their heads, selling mangoes or selling something else, the man gardening on that piece of land. That’s Surf City.]

[Silvia]: Surf City is actually an area of several beaches that includes El Zonte. But we are in El Zonte because, as we said, this is where the history of Bitcoin in El Salvador began. It is a very nice, small spa, where on some streets you see modest one-story houses and other modern hotels with signs saying they accept Bitcoin.

[Nelson]: I mean, here we are in front of Palo Verde, which is one of the famous hotels. “Say Zonte”, which is “The Spanish Learning Experience”, right? In other words, it is a language academy. But it sounds nicer that way. 

[Silvia]: Of course.

[Nelson]: So here it was… This is what people like to call, the… the crypto brothers like to call it Bitcoin Beach, because this was what we might call the birthplace of Bitcoin Beach.

[Silvia]: This is where an experiment began. In 2019, two years before the country adopted cryptocurrency as legal tender, there was an anonymous donation of Bitcoin in El Zonte. This person—who people few know who he is—gave the Bitcoins to Mike Peterson, a Californian surfer who has lived in El Zonte since 2005. We tried to get an interview with him, but it didn’t work out. We did speak with one of the people from the town who, together with Peterson, launched the Bitcoin Beach project.

[Román Martínez]: Bitcoin Beach showed that Bitcoin could be a tool for communities that had never had access to a financial system, to a bank account, because here in the community we saw changes. When Bitcoin started being used, people’s mentality changed.

[Silvia]: That was Román Martínez, one of the founders of Bitcoin Beach. I interviewed him the day I visited El Zonte with Nelson. Román was born in El Zonte. And he describes Bitcoin Beach as a social project.

[Román]: Where we were focused on giving tools and knowledge to the children of our community with different projects in the area of education, in recreation, in the spiritual area, in the empowerment part. And three and a half years ago we began to use Bitcoin in the project as a form of payment, where initially the students got a prize for being good students, for cleaning the river, for cleaning the beach…

[Silvia]: And then the pandemic arrived, and it hit El Zonte quite hard because many families live off tourism, and that stopped completely.

[Román]: That’s when the project changed direction and we started helping local families with a donation in Bitcoin. El Zonte has about 500 families, so all the families helped each other out for a period of time. Every month they received a donation in Bitcoin and that opened the door to what is known today as the first circular economy within a Bitcoin ecosystem.

[Silvia]: This circular economy is something I heard a lot that day at El Zonte. Román explained it to me in simple terms.

[Román]: You come to the community and you can pay, you can live with Bitcoin, you can pay for the hotel, you can pay at the restaurant, for the electricity, the water, the telephone, whatever you can think of, right?

[Silvia]: I asked Román what the connection is between Bitcoin Beach and the step the country took to convert Bitcoin into legal tender.

[Román]: I think it was just like a link, is is just… Bitcoin Beach showed that Bitcoin could be that inclusive tool to provide more opportunities, to bring more tourism, more investments.

[Eliezer]: This look at Bitcoin Beach is the most “official”, let’s say. And of course, it makes sense that this is how one of its founders describes it. The Government has pointed to Bitcoin Beach as a model, and it has worked, because Nelson says that El Zonte has become a kind of Mecca.

[Nelson]: In other words, again with the religious symbolism, we are going to go on a pilgrimage here because we have finally arrived at a place where we can find a case of real-life use of this thing. And then people started going to El Zonte to try to buy things with Bitcoin. And they did, and still do. They are delighted with the possibility of turning their codes into a beer, a coconut, a hotel stay, into whatever. 

[Tatiana]: [With Bitcoin], as long as it is in the wallets of everyone in El Zonte or on some beach, it will work for them. Which was the same thing we saw at the beginning when they said look, on this beach it works in the sun. Does it work for you? Of course, because El Zonte is a few kilometers. So if they agree to do transactions with buttons, they will manage. The issue is when it is taken to a larger economy.

[Nelson]: The idea was that this would be replicated throughout El Salvador. I invite all Bitcoiners who believe that the media lies, that journalists lie: Come to El Salvador and do not bring cash or any card, just bring your Bitcoin wallet and try to stay in this country for a week, a few days, just paying in Bitcoin. Don’t believe me. Check, and try to do that, and you will find the answer there. This did not happen and in fact does not happen in El Zonte. The Zonte is not a circular economy where there is Bitcoin. El Zonte is a beach where in some places, and where I think it is the place with the highest concentration in El Salvador where you can pay with Bitcoin, in addition to paying with dollars. Cross the street in El Zonte, you leave your hotel in El Zonte, which has the big Bitcoin logo and you cross the street and try to pay the lady in the store in Bitcoin. Then you tell me. What I’m saying is, El Zonte is not what it is said to be.

[Wilfredo]: The truth is that we knew very little about Bitcoin. Currently it can also be said that we know very little about the subject.

[Eliezer]: This is Wilfredo Urias, a community leader from El Zonte. Silvia and Nelson interviewed him at a hotel that, by the way, did not accept Bitcoin. He works there doing various things. When they spoke, he was tending the poolside bar. But Wilfredo was also the president of the local Community Development Association. Those are organizations that are in charge of managing drinking water and bringing projects to benefit the community. They can be about sports, education, infrastructure…

Wilfredo mentioned what Román said a while ago, that the people of Bitcoin Beach helped the townspeople during the pandemic. And that Bitcoin supports community projects. But he also says that the use of Bitcoin has decreased… That the situation of Salvadorans from El Zonte like him, who have lived there before Bitcoin arrived, has in part become more difficult.

[Wilfredo]: A little more difficult because of the investments, which at the moment have not been inclusive. So there are more opportunities for investors and less opportunities for the locals.

[Eliezer]: Wilfredo refers to investments in, for example, land for hotels.

[Wilfredo]: Yes, they are buying quite a bit in the community. So it is a touchy issue, because currently there are still many people who do not have their own properties, who live in State areas, in areas—land that they have taken by right. And that now, with the appraisal of properties, is a problem. 

[Silvia]: The value has gone up.

[Wilfredo]: A lot. It’s excessive. In other words, a piece of land that five years ago could cost you $20,000, today costs you $200,000.

[Silvia]: Wow.

[Eliezer]: Some Bitcoin Beach real estate agents said a property would go from $125,000 to $200,000 in one week. And in Bitcoin City, which is 200 kilometers away, there were neighbors who agreed to sell their land to the government for $8,000 but to relocate to the same area they had to pay more than $40,000.

[Nelson]: The price of housing has skyrocketed, in part because there are many people speculating in land, wanting to live in this wonderful country called El Salvador, and a lot of places are being gentrified. People are being displaced.

[Eliezer]: In El Zonte there are 25 families under threat of eviction because they live on land where a public park called Bitcoin Beach Club de Playa is going to be built. It will have a volleyball court, a commercial area, massage rooms… When he announced the project, Bukele said it was necessary to invest in that beach because it is modest, the business for people there are the tourists, because they buy things from them, he said.

Archive Audio, Bukele: It is all about maintaining the atmosphere of the area. We don’t want to modify it, but we want to maintain the place. But no, people not living in a tin house, but people with houses, always suited to the surroundings, or a nice business, always suited to the surroundings.

[Eliezer]: In November 2023, the media outlet Mala Yerba revealed that, according to audio recordings of meetings to which they had access, the Minister of Housing contradicted this promise that they would improve the houses of the people who live on the park land. The minister said that they cannot have people living there, and gave them the option of moving three kilometers away, across from a sewage treatment plant.

But these types of evictions don’t only happen in El Zonte…

[Nelson]: For example, in the area of La Unión, in Condadillo, in Flor del Mangle for the construction of the airport, an airport that appeals mainly to Bitcoin investors coming to this country, to participate in a scheme in which President Bukele has they won’t pay taxes. 

[Eliezer]: This airport Nelson is referring to is for bitcoiners to get to Bitcoin City, which we mentioned a moment ago. It is a new city, the first Bitcoin city, that the Government is building. It is on the coast, at the foot of the Conchagua volcano, where according to Bukele, the geothermal energy of the volcano will be used to power the computers that will mine Bitcoin there. In Bitcoin City, no one will pay taxes. 

[Nelson]: I mean, Bitcoin is very good in El Salvador, if you are not Salvadoran.

[Tatiana]: One of the things that the Bitcoin law included was that there would be no taxes. Now, there are very few, very few ways around the world to trace Bitcoin transactions. So El Salvador is just being even more permissive than any of the Bitcoin dynamics. So, of course, if you come to El Salvador with money that has come from who knows where, well, you can continue doing transactions in El Salvador without saying where it originates. 

[Silvia]: But then, if I am a foreigner who has $250,000 in Bitcoin and I want to buy a house in El Zonte, nobody is going to ask me where those funds come from, right? So it’s a completely different transaction than if I were to buy a house with dollars.

[Tatiana]: Of course, because first he or she would have to declare where the money they brought was coming from, if it was brought it in cash or in what way. Yes, totally.

[Nelson]: In El Salvador, houses are sold in Bitcoin, that is, you can buy land in Bitcoin, do the transaction in Bitcoin and that poses several problems for me. What kind of people have money and do not want it to be known in a system that prevents money laundering? Bitcoin is a good alternative for people who don’t want others to know where their money comes from and what they do with their money. 

[Eliezer]: In addition to allowing these types of transactions and giving tax benefits to those who use Bitcoin, the Government has created a program to attract foreign investors interested in developing a «Bitcoin country», as the official website says, which is in English. The program is called “Visionary Freedom Program,” and it offers a Salvadoran passport to investors who meet certain requirements.

But not only that, in December 2023, the Assembly reformed the migration law so that foreigners can apply for Salvadoran nationality if they participate in government programs aimed at investing with capital in “legal tender”… which in El Salvador , as we know, is dollars and Bitcoin.

Investments in El Zonte are not only affecting the prices of land and houses… Or the people who are in danger of being displaced. This development is also having an impact on the water supply, as Wilfredo explains.

[Wilfredo]: [The population is growing and so the water flow diminishes.] Improving the water supply system is one of the biggest challenges in providing for the community and, especially everything that has to do with El Zonte.

[Eliezer]: El Zonte has a self-managed water system, which was built almost 50 years ago because the national authority did not supply it. And the community, which manages this water supply, grants licenses only for domestic use, not commercial use.

[Wilfredo]: Because we take care of it. It’s gold. Having water right now is gold. It is like having gold in your hands.

[Silvia]: That’s what Wilfredo told us as we left the hotel where he works.

On the way back to the car, I asked Nelson to explain in more detail what this water supply problem is about. He told me that the Assembly, controlled by Bukele, passed a law two years ago recognizing the human right to water, and creating something called the Salvadoran Water Authority, which oversees all of the country’s supplies. The law allows anyone who has the ability to pay to exploit the water commercially, to get a permit without limits.

[Nelson]: The country has a very serious water supply problem. So people like him tell you that it is like gold because they know that in communities you can walk ten, ten kilometers here or to the communities nearby and there is no water. 

[Silvia]: Wow.

[Nelson]: And because water is not a guarantee. In other words, ANDA, which is the National Administration of Aqueducts and Sewers, does not provide water to everyone, especially in the interior, far from San Salvador, so then people have a self-managed project like that, an alternative, artisanal project, because the Government never solved that problem. So now, the Salvadoran Water Authority, the law that the Assembly approved, says basically that they have authority over all bodies of water and I don’t know what else. And then what the Government wants is to generate tourism, commerce, all the environmental permits, what they call expediting. But at what cost? At the cost of local people who are running out of water so that tourists in the hotels can always have water.

[Silvia]: So now they would control this system…

[Nelson]: They would control the system…

[Silvia]: Wow.

[Nelson]: That is, yes, that is a problem and a concern people here have.

[Silvia]: That makes sense.

[Silvia]: After meeting Wilfredo, we headed out to a Bitcoin Beach “meetup.” It is a monthly event, free and open to anyone who wants to attend. The invitation promised a talk and the opportunity to ask questions to guests, a welcome drink, gifts and discounts on food and beverages… if you paid with Bitcoin.

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[Nelson]: And of course, these people are going to tell you… Right now we are going to go to this thing and they are going to sell it to you: this is the best thing that has happened, and so on, but you come to El Zonte and you don’t think about the farmers who are on the other side of the street.

[Silvia]: Sure.

[Nelson]: With all this it’s like… don’t think about those invisible people, don’t think about the people who are being affected by this. And that is, in other words, it is a pattern that I see all over the country and that we are seeing all over the country, that this type of development is prioritized and the other is like, eh.

Ambi Meet up: Testing, testing, one, two, testing… 

[Silvia]: The event is on the terrace of a hotel called Palo Verde. There are tables where you can sit and have your complimentary drink, order food… and chat with foreigners curious about Bitcoin. In fact, the vast majority of us are foreigners. The host of the event is Román Martínez, one of the founders of Bitcoin Beach and whom we heard before. He wears a black t-shirt with the Bitcoin Beach logo and walks around the tables, greeting those of us who came to see what this is all about.

While I wait for it to start, I hear that there is a group of three people speaking Spanish, so I approach. They are university students who are doing a study on Bitcoin. I sit with them, we chat, and after a while, Román stands in front of us. Behind him is a sign for Bitcoin Beach and another for a real estate consultant: “For people interested in investing or moving to El Salvador” says the sign. Everything in English. Román grabs the microphone, and the first thing he asks is if there are people there who don’t speak English.

[Román]: Aside from you, who else doesn’t speak English?

[Silvia]: We had agreed that those who did not speak English could sit with us, so that I could translate for them. But no one else comes.

[Román]: Welcome. And so we’re going to do it in English because I think it’s it’s more… it make more sense. 

[Silvia]: Román says the event is going to be in English, because it makes more sense. But first, he addresses our small group of four who speak Spanish:

[Román]: But have you ever used Bitcoin? Have you? Have you done a Bitcoin transaction yet? Have you? Okay, well even better, so we don’t have to give it to them. Thanks for being honest. Thank you for being honest. So, welcome, guys. Welcome. We have this Bitcoin event… Once every month, so feel lucky you are here tonight. 

[Silvia]: Román says that the purpose of these monthly events is for new people to meet people who are already in El Zonte, so they learn about the Bitcoin Beach projects… And what follows is more than an hour of different people taking the microphone and talking about Bitcoin… For example, one Salvadoran from Bitcoin Beach says that every Friday, they visit schools to teach students about Bitcoin. Between one guest and another, Román makes comments. He is a good presenter, he looks comfortable, not nervous at all. At one point he refers to coverage of Bitcoin by the media who claim it’s not working.

[Román]: This is a bullshit that the media is, is, is, is trying to, to say…

[Silvia]: And that is why this meeting is important, he says, because it means that more people will learn about Bitcoin and will be able to go tell their friends, back in their countries, that the media are lying.

[Román]: Our next speaker is Miss El Salvador… 

[Silvia]: After a while, Román introduces the person who at that time was Miss El Salvador.

[Alejandra Guajardo]: Hello. My name is Alejandra Guajardo, and I’m the actual Miss El Salvador. I will give my crown this Sunday, but that doesn’t mean that I will continue to spread education about Bitcoin, of course… 

[Silvia]: You may remember her. She is the contestant who dressed up as a giant Bitcoin coin in the Miss Universe 2022 pageant. Alejandra Guajardo, who by the way is Mexican-Salvadoran, was going to hand over her crown that Sunday, but she says that doesn’t mean she’s going to stop educating others about Bitcoin. She has become a Bitcoin influencer of sorts. An evangelist, or crypto-evangelist, as Nelson told us a while ago, the self-proclaimed, people, who encourage others to adopt the cryptocurrency. In fact, as the minutes pass, it becomes clearer that the purpose of this meeting is just that, evangelizing about Bitcoin.

A Canadian investor says he sees El Salvador as a unique place to do business…

Canadian investor: As someone who’s invested in early stage companies, I look at this as investing in an early stage country. It’s very kind of similar in the whole way it’s approached and so on.

[Silvia]: And as someone who has invested in companies in their initial stage, he considers that investing in El Salvador is like investing in a country in its initial stage… Then, a woman who says she has a blog, in English, which translates to: Becoming a Butterfly, says she had been looking for a place to move to for a year. She sold her house and bought a one-way ticket to El Salvador.

Blogger: So. Yeah, Yeah, I’m not leaving. It gives me a lot of hope. And I’m looking for a sense of hope. Bitcoin gives me hope. 

[Silvia]: She says, Bitcoin gives her hope.

[Silvia]: At the end of it all, while the people who had gone to the event stayed chatting among themselves, Román and I moved away from the noise and I was able to ask him some questions.

[Silvia]: You said that the media says Bitcoin didn’t work, right? That it failed. Why? Why did you mention that?

[Román]: Because that’s what the majority of the media is saying. The media. But I believe that education is key. Making radical changes in people’s mindsets takes time. It took us two years, three and a half years now, working for this community, and even in the community you find people who don’t want to, that is, they don’t understand it, they are closed-minded. We knew that it would take time for people to see a benefit, for people to learn.

[Silvia]: After saying this, Román starts asking me questions: where do I live, when was the first time I heard about Bitcoin… I didn’t remember… I think 2018, 2019…? Before the pandemic. And I tell him that I don’t have Bitcoin.

[Román]: That’s the point. You are a person who has grown up with technology. Access to a bank account, access to assets, access to being able to make transactions. And if you haven’t bought even a small portion of Bitcoin yet, since you first heard it in 2018, that means you don’t understand it. It takes time. It takes time. The only thing I do hope is that the Salvadorans don’t take too long, as you have for so long.

[Silvia]: Today I met someone who said that he is worried about investments and that prices are rising a lot and it is becoming very expensive for the locals.

[Román]: Correct. And that’s one of the things that we say can make people worry, it’s true. But… development brings good things and things that are less good, you know? And that’s the story. 

[Román]: But that is something we have to be aware of. We have to do our part, our part. Because if we just complain but do nothing, nothing is going to change. Our situation is not going to change. So, I think that what is happening is true, but it is also a time of many opportunities. 

[Eliezer]: In early December 2023, Bukele tweeted—in English—a triumphant announcement about Bitcoin. The price had risen, and he said that if El Salvador sold its Bitcoins at that time, the country would recover 100% of its investment. In addition, it would have a profit of 3 million dollars. He clarified that they do not plan to sell because that was never the objective and they know that the price will continue to change. He said this does not affect his long-term strategy.

[Silvia]: The message that Bukele sends in this tweet is for the people who he says “ridiculed” his supposed losses, for the authors of critical articles. He says the responsible thing is for them to retract, to apologize, or at least recognize that El Salvador is now making profits.

[Eliezer]: Bitcoiners celebrated the announcement, but the economists and experts cooled things down. For several reasons. Including something we have already mentioned: what it has cost to implement this policy, the public funds that have been used for the government’s electronic wallet, to create new institutions—funds that could have been used to deal with other problems of the population, such as access to water.

[Silvia]: And Nelson and Tatiana, whom I interviewed before Bukele made this announcement, pointed out several promises that have not been kept.

[Nelson]: Everything they told us Bitcoin was going to be didn’t happen. They promised us that it would make remittances cheaper; it didn’t. 

[Silvia]: When someone sends remittances in dollars to El Salvador, they have to pay a commission of almost 3%. If you use Bitcoin, you pay a 5% fee for selling Bitcoins, and the person receiving them has to pay the costs associated with withdrawing the money in dollars at ATMs. Sending remittances in cryptocurrencies has remained between 1.2 and 1.5% in 2023.

[Eliezer]: The Government also said that Bitcoin would bring foreign investment.

[Tatiana]: Well, since mid-2021 and all of 2022, El Salvador has been one of the only countries in Central America and the region that has had negative foreign investment, that is, there has been disinvestment in El Salvador; investments are being lost.

[Nelson]: They told us it was going to create jobs. I remember I went to an accountability of crypto companies and they said they had generated 400 jobs in one year, which is marginal for an economy like ours.

[Eliezer]: And, in fact, those 400 were indirect jobs. There were fewer direct jobs.

[Nelson]: So jobs weren’t created. And that it was going to generate tourism. The increase in tourism, which has happened, not as they claim, but if there has been an increase it is not attributable just to Bitcoin.

[Tatiana]: For example, Costa Rica is the country that attracts the most tourism. So there are ways to do it successfully and without all the risks and negative things that come with it.

[Nelson]: When everything they told us was going to happen didn’t happen, they changed the rules and said no, that Bitcoin has been a re-branding of El Salvador, from previously the country of gangs and homicides, to the country of Bitcoin and financial innovation. First. You are changing the rules. That’s not what you promised us. Second, it is the most expensive re-branding in history. And if it has worked, it has worked in those sectors. But it is an advertising investment and it is a lie. We are not a Bitcoin country. And I say again. Come on, try to buy using Bitcoin in this country.

[Silvia]: And Nelson says everything that has happened with Bitcoin is thanks to the fact that Bukele’s power as President has no control.

[Nelson]: This was a disaster in this country and no one has been held responsible. That can only happen in a place that is not a democracy, in a place where power is exercised without restrictions and in a place where there is authoritarianism. I mean, it wouldn’t be possible… In Finland you couldn’t do this.

Credits

Produced and reported by: Silvia Viñas and Eliezer Budasoff

Produced and reported on site by: Nelson Rauda and Gabriel Labrador

Digital Production: Desireé Yepez

Edited by: Daniel Alarcón and Camila Segura

Editorial Consulting: Carlos Dada

Fact-checking: Bruno Scelza and Desirée Yépez

Production Assistant: Selene Mazón

Music and Sound Design: Elías González

Graphic Design and Art Direction: Diego Corzo

EPISODE 3. Time for the bitter pill

La hora de la medicina amarga

[Eliezer Budasoff]: In the last episode, we left off at a moment of maximum tension between Nayib Bukele and the Legislative Assembly. Bukele was in his first year as president and was very popular, but he was governing with an Assembly controlled by the traditional parties. He didn’t have much support among the deputies, so he had two options: either negotiate or declare war on them. And Bukele chose war. The justification? That the deputies were hindering him from moving forward with his security plan that would put an end to the gangs.

[Leonardo]: Bukele had been pushing for a loan of 109 million dollars to invest in security. And he started putting more and more pressure on the Assembly in an undemocratic way.

[Eliezer]: Former independent deputy Leonardo Bonilla was part of that Assembly, and in the previous episode he told us how Bukele had summoned them for a special session on Sunday, February 9, 2020. But not just them…

[Leonardo]: The President of the Republic himself had summoned his supporters to come to the Legislative Assembly to create pressure. He was even calling for an insurrection, in an unconstitutional manner, for the people to rise up against the Legislative Assembly. Concern was brewing because the summons was already a bad sign. In fact, there was uncertainty whether the government’s plans were to seat new deputies and stage a coup d’état there and then, because everything seemed to point to that.

[Eliezer]: What happened next, which we are about to tell you, marked a before and after in the Bukele government: the millennial president decided he could play with the symbols of democracy because he had nothing to lose. On the contrary, he was gaining ground.

This is The Man from Los Sueños, a podcast from Radio Ambulante Studios. I’m Eliezer Budasoff.

[Silvia]: And I’m Silvia Viñas. Episode 3: Time for the bitter pill.

We wanted to understand what it was like to be there, in the Legislative Assembly building, on February 9, 2020, the day Bukele had summoned both supporters and legislators for a special session. So, in addition to talking to former deputy Leonardo Bonilla, I also interviewed Lissette Lemus, a documentary photographer and journalist who works for El Diario de Hoy. We spoke in mid-2023, outside a café in San Salvador. Lissette, like Leonardo, was also at the Assembly on February 9.

[Lissette Lemus]: Days before, I had seen that there was quite a strong military presence around the Assembly, and we knew that the president was going to arrive at the Assembly. So there were already a lot of disputes on social media on the subject.

[Silvia]: In fact, the day before, on February 8, the Minister of Defense had said that his loyalty was to the president. So, this was the context in which Lisette decided to go to the Assembly on February 9.

[Lissette]: Well, that day I didn’t have to work. And I thought something interesting might happen because of the number of soldiers and the tension, so I volunteered to go and help take photos and to try to send them more quickly to the newspaper’s social networks.

[Leonardo]: The Legislative Assembly has two main entrances. And people had been summoned to one of those entrances.

[Silvia]: Leonardo remembers that there were people setting up a stage, a sound system… That stage, according to the local press, had been requested by Bukele. They were preparing everything so that the president would arrive to pressure the Assembly —with the people. This was not a spontaneous insurrection. And the government not only used public funds to set up this rally, but also brought supporters of Bukele’s party, Nuevas Ideas, there in buses, in state vehicles, guarded or driven by the military.

[Leonardo]: We know that people from different parts of the country came to create pressure. It was known that that day was going to be a bit risky for the deputies who wished to participate. So the deputies entered through one entrance and the demonstration was at the other entrance.

[Lissette]: I think I arrived around noon. The event was scheduled for later, but I always like to arrive early. So, there was already all this, you know, the military presence that had been there in the previous days. They were heavily armed, as if they were preparing for a clash or some serious demonstration, you know? With shields, helmets, and everything, carrying firearms. But I also saw that the director of the National Civil Police was there talking to Assembly security. Then the Minister of Defense arrived to ask for the keys to enter the Blue Room.

[Silvia]: The Blue Room is where the deputies meet, where legislative decisions are made. The Minister of Defense ordered the door to be opened, because, well, it was Sunday. Leonardo says that there was no one to open the Blue Room. The security forces that were there threatened to break down the door if it was not opened. A deputy finally sent for the keys from the house of the person responsible for opening the door.

[Leonardo]: When the doors were opened, there was no one inside. The first people to enter the empty room were the police and the military.

[Lissette]: But, like, a platoon of soldiers. So, all the photographers and journalists who were there, we all started documenting that.

[Leonardo]: The military entered as if on a military operation, as if they were going to capture someone, in order, in a line, and they stationed themselves around, uh, the seats, the chairs of the deputies. We deputies entered on our own and sat in our seats.

[Silvia]: 28 of the 84 deputies that make up the Assembly were there.

[Lissette]: Some of the deputies looked a bit worried; you could see it on their faces. I remember that there were some of Bukele’s supporters who also looked concerned, because perhaps they did not expect the military to enter the Blue Room. I understood at the time that what was happening was something very serious. I worried about all of us inside.

[Leonardo]: And with the military all around the Blue Room. The deputies did nothing. We couldn’t debate because there wasn’t a sufficient quorum. Well, we couldn’t debate for many reasons. Firstly, because the session wasn’t official. Secondly, because the president of the Assembly wasn’t present, the agenda hadn’t been established, there was no agenda item, there was no documentation to analyze, and there were no conditions to start a debate. It was just a show put on by the government, that was all. At that moment I took out my cell phone…

[Silvia]: … And started recording a Facebook Live.

Recording

[Leonardo]: This isn’t how you play the game. This is worrying. Breaking the constitutional order. Now it’s in the hands of the Executive.

[Leonardo]: To denounce it, so that the international community, so that the country itself would realize what was happening. To see that it was something that really, as far as I can remember, hasn’t occurred in El Salvador.

Recording

[Leonardo]: I’m willing to give my vote to solve the country’s problems, but this is not the way, Mr. President Nayib Bukele.

[Silvia]: The fear that Leonardo was talking about at the beginning, that a coup d’état was brewing, was tangible then. To contextualize what was happening, it’s worth noting that not even El Salvador’s military governments took the Assembly with armed soldiers. Bukele was right about one thing: he made history that day.

The deputies inside the Blue Room didn’t know what was going to happen. They could only wait.

[Leonardo]: While we were inside the Legislative Assembly, the crowd was already becoming restless outside the Legislative Assembly.

[Archive soundbite, announcement]: Ladies and gentlemen, we are now going to listen to a message from the President of the Republic, Nayib Bukele. 

[Leonardo]: He gets up on the stage and starts stirring up the crowd even more.

[Archive soundbite, Bukele]: I promised you during the campaign that if we had to march to the Legislative Assembly, we were going to march to the Legislative Assembly. And today we are fulfilling that campaign promise. If we needed to march, we would march. And here is the Legislative Palace that we are about to enter.

[Leonardo]: We could hear it, because it was a few meters outside the Assembly and a few meters from the chamber, and there was a sound system at a high volume, which meant we could hear what was being said outside.

[Archive soundbite, Bukele]: We are making history, and if anyone says otherwise, let them look at this sea of people in front of the Legislative Assembly with their president speaking to them, with the support of the Armed Forces and the National Civil Police, who are here not to repress the people, but to support the people. 

[Leonardo]: I think Bukele was content; I think he was happy; I think he felt accomplished. He knew perfectly well what he was doing. I believe he already had the spirit of a dictator, saying, “What I say goes.” If someone were to tell him, “Mr. President, with all due respect, this isn’t legal, this isn’t constitutional,” he would just say, “Well, I want it, and that’s that,” and he’d do it.

[Silvia]: But, of course, he doesn’t say it so openly. In fact, in this speech outside the Assembly, he passes the buck to the people, to the 5,000 or so people who were there:

[Bukele]: I would like to ask you to let me enter the Blue Room of the Legislative Assembly, to say a prayer for God to give us wisdom for the steps we are going to take. And then the decision will be up to you. Do you authorize me? God bless you, Salvadoran people. I’m going to ask you to wait for me here. I’ll be back in a moment.

[Lissette]: Well, I got that part precisely because there were two of us photographers inside and we split up: one of us, we agreed, was going to stay inside, and I was going to stay outside. So, when he was going in, I was taking pictures. I thought he looked a bit annoyed; he wasn’t smiling; he looked like he was angry. He walked the red carpet and went straight in, right? Then, at the entrance, there was a kind of commotion and then most of us who were covering and taking pictures there were no longer allowed to enter.

[Leonardo]: And when he entered the heart of the Legislative Palace, he had a serious face, but ultimately, I think he was smiling inside, saying, “Here I am doing what I want.” He entered the Board of Directors’ area, he sat in the chair of the president of the Legislative Assembly, and he knew what that implied. Apart from being illegal, it implied a mockery. He sat in the president’s chair and even rang the gong, which is a bell that symbolizes the beginning and closing of a plenary session.

[Bukele]: We are going to begin the session summoned by the Council of Ministers in accordance with Article 167… 

[Leonardo]: There were deputies from the ruling party, and even with their votes, they wouldn’t reach the number of votes needed. So he knew that legally there was nothing to be done to achieve his goal. But I also understand that his goal that day wasn’t really to get the 109 million dollars approved, because he knew that nothing was going to happen. His specific goal was to deliver that blow, and all he said was, “Let’s say a prayer.”

[Bukele]: I think it is very clear who is in control of the situation. We are going to put the decision we are going to make now into God’s hands. So we are going to say a prayer.

[Leonardo]: He put his hands on his face. He was silent. No one did anything at all. We all stayed silent. And at that moment I just wanted to stop that situation and say something, but I think, like if you have an accident or if you are a victim of assault, you freeze; your brain can’t process in a coherent and fast way. I regret not standing up and shouting at him to get out of there, and I had the right to do so as a citizen and as a public official. But to reiterate, we were in shock with everything that was happening, as we didn’t expect it and we didn’t know how to react. He stood up and left.

[Lissette]: He goes out the same door and in the same way, right? I mean, like angry and in a hurry.

[Silvia]: Lissette had stayed outside the Blue Room. She saw Bukele leave surrounded by bodyguards.

[Lissette]: And the commotion starts again because we all wanted to document that moment when he was coming out, and he goes back to the place where he gave his speech before, where the people were waiting for him.

[Bukele]: With all humility, you know it, all Salvadoran people know it, our adversaries know it, the international community knows it, our Armed Forces know it, our National Civil Police knows it, all the powers that be in the country know it. If we want to push the button, we just push the button. 

[Silvia]: Pushing the button is what the deputies do to vote, but Bukele is saying something else: that they can override the Assembly.

[Bukele]: But I asked God, and God told me, “Patience.” 

[Silvia]: The supporters seem to disagree with that response from God. Bukele stays silent for about 15 seconds while the people shout. And then he repeats, “Patience…»

[Bukele]: Patience. On February 28, all those scoundrels will leave through the door, and we are going to get them out democratically.

[Silvia]: He is referring to the legislative election the following year. He is essentially campaigning, because what Bukele needs is for Nuevas Ideas and its allied parties to win enough seats in that election to have a majority and control the Assembly. It will be a very important vote, which we’ll get to in this episode. Now, back to Lissette and that February 9.

[Lissette]: After he had spoken, I went out. I managed to get to the back, let’s say, the back of the stage. I wanted to get close to take a picture, but it was impossible to get through. There were tons of soldiers.

Once he left, the people that had come also left. But obviously all the… comments and concern had already begun about what had happened and what it meant. So I think it was quite a serious event at that time and I think it gave us an idea of what could come later.

[Leonardo]: I think that this event was precisely an announcement of the direction he was headed. I think that February 9 was like an announcement of what he was capable of.

[Silvia]: Bukele’s entrance to the Legislative Assembly, his performance in front of the cameras, his magnanimous speech in front of the people gathered outside, showed the way he understood the political game and marked a change in tone. He raised the threshold of what could be tolerated. It was time to «swallow the bitter pill,» as he anticipated the day he took office. The moment to put aside old facades and begin a new era: epic gestures and grand stagings, which became a predominant way of focusing public attention on some issues rather than others.

[Bertha Deleón]: I was watching it and I swear I was incredulous because I was saying, “They are really taking this to the limit…» I mean, and he had only been in office for a few months.

[Eliezer]: February 9 was a turning point for Bertha Deleón, the lawyer who worked with Bukele, whom we’ve been hearing from since the beginning of this series. If you remember, in the previous episode we mentioned that when Bukele introduced his Nuevas Ideas party, he said that anyone could criticize him. Well, Bertha’s experience was one of several signs that, in reality, President Bukele would not tolerate any kind of criticism, and that if anyone dared to say anything negative about him, there would be repercussions.

Bertha remembers that on February 9 she was at the beach with her children. She saw everything in a little store that had a television showing what was happening in the Assembly live.

[Bertha]: No one had dared to do what he did, something so brazen. Creating a rupture that can’t be fixed. I was very curious about what his… whether he was going to give an apology for what he did or what he was going to do when he realized it, but it never happened.

[Eliezer]: That irreparable rupture that Bertha talks about was also personal. Let’s remember that she became very close to Bukele. She was his lawyer. And she says that she had even been offered a position as ambassador.

[Bertha]: It was like, “Hey, you’re really tired, go rest. That’s what the Man from Los Sueños says,” because in the end, they didn’t even call him by his name anymore. Instead, “The Man from Los Sueños says that there are still embassies available; it’s just a matter of which one you want.”

[Eliezer]: But the relationship had already started to deteriorate some time before. Bertha didn’t take the offer. And that February 9 was the end of it.

[Bertha]: Look, whenever I saw something I disagreed with, I told him, and I told him straight. I always told him what I thought. Starting from the premise that the guy wasn’t a genius, he didn’t know much about the law, but he had good intentions. That was the premise that I started from.

[Eliezer]: After seeing what had happened at the Assembly, she didn’t stay quiet either.

[Bertha]: I just started tweeting and criticizing, giving my opinion of what was happening as a citizen. I just said, “I’m afraid that this guy, with such a childish personality, has just started his government and the first thing he does is to take over the Assembly.” I mean, really the worst is yet to come. I tweeted it. And immediately they wrote to me. They told me to take it down.

[Eliezer]: Bertha says that Bukele himself wrote to her, as well as the president’s private secretary, Bukele’s right-hand man.

[Bertha]: I mean, why are you doing that? Relax. I mean, take it down. And he wrote to me, “I will never forgive you for this.” So… And obviously, I thought of everything except deleting the tweet, because for me it was also a clean break, because, even if I wasn’t working with them, people still associated me with them. So I simply wanted to say, “From now on, I’m not with them. I don’t support this, I don’t want this in my life. This is me setting my boundaries.” I never imagined everything that was going to come later.

[Eliezer]: The attacks started on Twitter. They made montages with photos of Bertha and gang members to discredit her as a lawyer, to make people think she was helping to free them. They invented sexual scandals and made memes. Bertha alleges that Bukele and his people were behind these attacks. That’s what people who were still in the president’s circle and whom she had defended told her. They advised her to stop criticizing him and to leave the country.

[Bertha]: I really didn’t want to leave El Salvador. I mean, I had made my life there. I had studied and worked hard for my career. I don’t come from a wealthy family, so to speak. So it was like, “Well, I’m not going to leave.” Besides, my litigation style was always against the grain, always risky. So you could say that I was used to dealing with a certain level of risk, but this got totally out of control. They followed me on a motorcycle; they put a drone in my backyard.

[Eliezer]: They sent people from the institution that collects data on Salvadorans to interrogate her son.

[Bertha]: I mean, it was really a psychological war that I couldn’t handle. 

[Silvia]: The consequences of February 9 were not just personal for people close to Bukele like Bertha, who later became more critical; they were not even only national. The international reaction to the takeover of the Assembly was immediate. Human rights organizations, the United States, the United Kingdom, and the European Union embassies in El Salvador… All condemned the presence of the military in the Assembly. With February 9, international condemnations of Bukele’s authoritarian moves began. But, as a good publicist, he knew how to solve this image problem, how to take advantage of a situation to distract and focus attention on his apparent achievements. And the following month, a global crisis would become the perfect scenario to shift the spotlight.

We’ll be back after the break.

[Flip and Article 19]: In Latin America, the most violent region for journalists, protecting them should be a responsibility of society as a whole. With an impunity rate of 99% for murders in the last two years in Mexico and Colombia, the press, fearing reprisals, has restricted coverage of matters of public interest.

For organizations like the Foundation for Press Freedom in Colombia and Article 19, impunity is a harmful act to the journalistic profession, leaving in its wake places immersed in silence.

[Daniel Alarcón]: The production company behind «Bukele, el señor de los sueños» is Radio Ambulante Studios. And we have two other podcasts you should listen to. Every Tuesday, we release Radio Ambulante. Stories of families, migration, adventure, and love. And every Friday, we release El hilo, where we cover and thoroughly explain an impactful news story from Latin America. Look for Radio Ambulante and El hilo on your preferred podcast app.

[Silvia]: We’re back. A month after Bukele’s incursion with the military in the Assembly, the World Health Organization declared that we were in a pandemic. Journalist Gabriel Labrador, whom you have heard in previous episodes, says that this worked perfectly for Bukele. He could redirect negative attention toward his successes in managing the health crisis. And to achieve this distraction, he started making decisions quite fast.

[Gabriel Labrador]: It was surprising that the first reaction of a tiny country, a very small government would take this problem so seriously, a problem that seemed global and that still seemed very far away.

[Archive soundbite, Bukele]: We have decided to declare a lockdown for the entire country.

[Gabriel]: The first national broadcast came, in which he announced that they were going to take the first drastic measures. And he announced the closing of schools and of borders.

[Archive soundbite, Bukele]: This decision has not been made lightly. It has been made by consulting specialists; it has been made by consulting members of the cabinet…

[Gabriel]: That was March 11. A Wednesday. And it was one of the first decisions made by governments in Latin America and in the world.

[Silvia]: In the national broadcast, everything looked carefully planned, says Gabriel, but in practice the reality was a bit chaotic, because of how fast everything was moving. 

[Gabriel]: The president himself was saying that they had to act fast and that they were probably going to make mistakes and they were going to, let’s say, slip up a bit. But he preferred, according to what he said, to make mistakes by doing things.

[Silvia]: A few days after announcing the first restrictions, Bukele asked the Assembly to approve a state of emergency to deal with the pandemic. And they did. In practice, this restricts constitutional rights. In this case it was freedom of movement and the right to assembly. 

At the end of March, Bukele declared a mandatory 30-day residential lockdown by decree. And the consequences of not complying with the measures were quickly felt. On the first day of this lockdown, police arrested nearly 300 people for allegedly violating the rules. Those arbitrary arrests would continue for months. The police and military put thousands of people into what they called «containment centers.» These were hotels, gyms and other places converted into detention centers for people who did not comply with the lockdown. Under the state of emergency, the authorities could force people to go to these centers. Many of them lacked basic necessities.

[Gabriel]: The bathrooms, the toilets, were in a state of collapse. The food was terrible, they had nowhere to sleep, the heat was unbearable, etc.

[Gabriel]: Bukele’s justification was: it’s better to do this than to do nothing. It’s better to arrest everyone suspected of having the virus than to have outbreaks that we can’t contain. In other words, I believe that Bukele, knowing that El Salvador is a poor country, with a small budget, opted for an iron fist. He ignored human rights and set the tone of what would come much later, that is, the idea that, in reality, human rights are only a hindrance if you want to do things properly. And many people bought into that idea and began to see Bukele as the protective father who hits you because he loves you. And that was an idea that any specialist communicator could detect in all his communications. That is, Bukele tells you that you are a rebellious child and therefore you need a couple of blows to survive right now.

[Silvia]: And Gabriel says that Bukele’s messages were scaremongering.

[Gabriel]: They appealed to fear. And I think the president was playing a somewhat psychological mind game. Better to scare people so that they stay at home. And so it was like constant messages of: be afraid of your neighbor, be afraid of your neighbor. Don’t go out for anything in the world. The economy will come later, etc.

[Eliezer]: What Gabriel says about the economy is important, because in the midst of the arbitrary arrests and the state of emergency, Bukele announced several economic measures that managed to distract from the criticism of his heavy-handedness. In fact, they attracted so much attention, even outside of El Salvador, that they went viral.

[Archive soundbite, presenter 1]: Nayib Bukele is doing it again. 

[Archive soundbite, presenter 2]: After declaring lockdown in his country, with just a few cases…

[Archive soundbite, presenter 3]: He provided economic support of $300 to 75% of Salvadoran households. In addition, he suspended charges for electricity, water, phones, cable, mortgages and rent for three months. Bukele asked businessmen to accept losing part of their wealth to protect the health of everyone.

[Eliezer]: In May 2020, the government started distributing food parcels to people living in communities in extreme poverty. And this program continued: they gave out more than three million food parcels. The people who received them said that a president had never cared about them before. That Bukele put food on their tables.

And the President made sure to show his government’s generosity. On his official YouTube page there are several videos, produced as promotional videos, showing military personnel preparing and delivering food parcels.

[Gabriel]: What Bukele was doing to mitigate the impact, let’s say, on his popularity due to the lockdown, etc., was to create a lot of propaganda about these types of measures.

[Eliezer]: And to explain them in very simple language. He also gave an interview to Residente, from Calle 13:

[Archive soundbite, interview Residente and Nayib Bukele]

[Residente]: Here we are.

[Bukele]: Hey! What’s up? How are you?

[Residente]: How are you? Everything all right? All good. All good.

[Bukele]: Hello to everyone who has joined this, this Instagram live…

[Gabriel]: At that moment, you have a very popular president making headlines around the world. And you have an artist, let’s say, with the reputation of being anti-establishment and rebellious. And then Bukele shows up with his cap, his cap on backward, and he treats Residente as a friend and, you know, how great it is that they’re talking.

[Archive soundbite, interview Residente with Nayib Bukele]

[Bukele]: We have brought in a legal moratorium of three months with no water payments, three months with no electricity payments, three months with no phone payments, three months with no rent payments…

[Gabriel]: And then Bukele starts explaining all the measures he is taking in El Salvador, which as I say were already, like, pioneering or seemed pioneering.

[Eliezer]: After almost 40 minutes of talking about the pandemic, Residente

changes the subject… — radically.

[Archive soundbite, interview Residente with Nayib Bukele]

[Residente]: To take the opportunity to get to know you better, I was also searching for information, and I found some there, and something that was mentioned in one of the questions, for me to understand: why, what happened with the military? Why did you bring the military to Parliament? What was the aim of doing something like that? That news was all over the place.

[Bukele]: Yes, I saw it. Yes, of course.

[Residente]: And then the…

[Bukele]: I saw it in person.

[Residente]: Yes. So, I don’t know what that was about, whether it was undemocratic, etc., etc. For example, if that happens in my country, well, imagine, we would take to the streets, but we don’t know why it happened. That’s why I want to know about it.

[Bukele]: Yes. In this case people did take to the streets, but people took to the streets in support of what we were doing. 

[Eliezer]: Less than two months had passed since February 9. So, to start to explain to Residente why he went into the Assembly with the military, Bukele told him that before they came to power, El Salvador was the most violent country in the world. Let’s remember that the excuse for summoning his followers and the deputies on February 9 was a budget for the so-called Territorial Control Plan that promised to put an end to gangs. Something that Bukele tells Residente is already delivering results.

[Archive soundbite, interview Residente with Nayib Bukele]

[Bukele]: Well, yesterday there were no homicides; we didn’t even announce it. Today we are already… so far there are no homicides today. We haven’t announced it either because the government’s top priority is focused on the virus. But we have reduced crime a lot and we need resources.

[Eliezer]: And then, to justify his use of the military, Bukele says that in all Latin American countries it is common to see the army beating the people. But in El Salvador, he says, now it’s the other way around.

[Archive soundbite, interview Residente with Nayib Bukele]

[Bukele]: In El Salvador, the army supports the people, and then when you see the soldiers on the people’s side against the politicians, it’s a scandal.

[Eliezer]: As he said in his speech outside the Assembly on February 9, Bukele explains to Residente that he had promised that he would go out to protest with the people, if necessary.

[Archive soundbite, interview Residente with Nayib Bukele]

[Bukele]: So I promised and I delivered. Of course, that seems strange given the formality and hypocrisy of politics, where the police and the army are always against the people. And it’s strange when the police are on the people’s side. As I’m telling you, there was no one beaten… nothing. Why? Because the people were applauding the soldiers and the police, because they were with the people. And you don’t see that in any other country. But in El Salvador you do.

[Gabriel]: That interview seems to me to be a turning point in the sense that he realized that he had to start compensating for the deterioration in his image and figure out how to show the world that, in reality, the things he was doing were not so crazy or that they were justified.

[Eliezer]: And this time, it seemed to work. This is how Residente responded when Bukele finished answering the question about February 9:

[Archive soundbite, interview Residente with Nayib Bukele]

[Residente]: No, that’s a very clear answer. I mean, I understand it much better…

[Eliezer]: He had succeeded. He gave a new meaning to the events with a different narrative: what from the outside was seen as a threat to the division of powers, in reality, had been an act of loyalty to the people, with armed forces that (only in El Salvador) are on the people’s side.

This interview was a sign that no matter how authoritarian his actions were, Bukele could find a justification convincing enough for the people he had already won over.

[Silvia]: As we heard a moment ago, in his interview with Residente, Bukele highlighted that homicides were going down. And he was right. In part, it was a trend that had been coming since 2016, a gradual decline. But the pandemic increased that decline. Partly because of the conditions we mentioned before: a very strict lockdown where, if you broke it, the police or the army could seize you and take you to a containment center. Bukele said it was also linked to the Territorial Control Plan, his project to fight the gangs. But at the end of April…

[Gabriel]: We had been in lockdown for a month. There were 76 homicides in four days. I mean, this is alarming. This was like… it was unprecedented. 

[Archive soundbite, journalist 1]: Crimes attributed to the maras, which have around 70,000 members in the country.

[Archive soundbite, journalist 2]: No official, nor Bukele himself, has indicated the reason that has led the gangs to increase the number of murders in this short period of time.

[Silvia]: But the government’s response to these homicides was immediate.

[Gabriel]: At that time, April 2020, these images circulated in the country and around the world on the internet, everywhere. These images that would later become iconic and emblematic of El Salvador in the Bukele era.

[Archive soundbite, journalist 3]: Previously unpublished images. Members of different gangs together in the same cell.

[Archive soundbite, journalist 4]: The Directorate of Penal Centers showed, via Twitter, photographs of Mara Salvatrucha and Barrio 18 gang members, together, and wrote the phrase: «the State must be respected.»

[Silvia]: And they weren’t just putting them together. The authorities also published images of shirtless gang members, with their heads completely shaved, hands behind or above their heads, sitting very close one behind another.

[Gabriel]: They are images that are interpreted very differently here, compared to much of the world, I think. While here those kinds of images are celebrated because of the damage that all these gangs have caused, those videos and those pictures caused international shock, and I think they put El Salvador on the map again. Alongside the idea that Bukele was a millennial and fresh meat in politics, these images began to kind of clash with that: How can someone so young commit the same thing that was done before?

[Silvia]: That is to say, what other governments had tried: the iron fist. Bukele’s version, thanks to social media and the extent to which he used it, was more visible. He made capturing and imprisonment an act of publicity, like when people went to squares to see exemplary punishments, a spectacle of collective revenge.

In addition to mixing them, the government also installed metal sheets to seal off cells. And Bukele authorized, via Twitter, the use of lethal force. Meaning he gave security officers permission to shoot inmates or suspects in self-defense or to protect citizens.

[Eliezer]: After this spike in late April, homicides dropped again. In June, Bukele completed his first year as president, and despite what happened in April, overall, homicides had plummeted to historic levels that year. The government, of course, attributed it to its plan, to having more police and military on the ground, to having strengthened security in the prisons… But suspicions began to arise as to what was actually causing this dramatic drop.

[Gabriel]: It becomes evident that the explanation, more than the pandemic, which of course had an impact, was linked to strange factors. Factors that we didn’t understand and that weren’t on the discussion table or in the debate. Many crime experts, political scientists, and human rights experts began to question that, for example, if the Territorial Control Plan was so successful, why were there not, for example, many seizures of weapons? Why, if raids were being carried out and the gangs were being fought, why wasn’t that reflected in the courts? It wasn’t reflected in a large number of gang members being prosecuted for various types of crimes. The most common crime was that of unlawful associations.

[Eliezer]: In simple terms, this means being part of a group, with a particular structure, that comes together to commit crimes.

[Gabriel]: You would think that if there is an investigation and if the Territorial Control Plan is working, the crimes you are going to see in the courts are homicides, extortion, kidnapping, you name it. But there weren’t many investigations into that.

[Eliezer]: The answer to why Bukele had managed to reduce homicides came in September 2020: El Faro, the newspaper where Gabriel works, revealed that Bukele had been negotiating with gang members since June 2019. He would give them privileges in prison and in exchange they would reduce murders and tell people in their territories to vote for his party, Nuevas Ideas, in the legislative election that would come later. This negotiating with the gangs was something that other governments had done and El Faro had also uncovered. They have been covering the maras for years. So they have maintained a professional relationship with sources that are part of gang structures, and also with sources that work in the government.

[Gabriel]: Tremendously important information was revealed from the national government’s own documents, with written reports from prison guards talking about officials going into prisons to talk at length with this or that leader of MS13, the Mara Salvatrucha. More than 100 signed and sealed documents. It kind of all started to add up and make sense. And of course Bukele’s reaction was to discredit the work, to say that everyone knew that he treated the gangs badly. So that was his idea, to combat the narrative with another narrative and create doubt.

And, at least in that sense, I believe that the government has been quite skillful in attacking El Faro and not attacking the investigation with its arguments and with its evidence. 

[Eliezer]: His strategy was to attack the messenger. And that narrative has worked for Bukele. It creates a cognitive dissonance, Gabriel says. On the one hand, you have a serious media outlet revealing information about a deal, and on the other, you have the president showcasing on Twitter how they treat gang members in prisons. This conflict between two contradictory pieces of information was not difficult to resolve for Salvadorans, a society that has lived in fear of extortion and gang violence. It’s easier to believe what you want to believe, and what the president was doing was working. Later in this series we will dedicate an entire episode to Bukele’s war against the gangs.

[Silvia]: Bukele controlled the narrative, yes. He was still very popular despite these revelations. But behind the scenes, while he was attacking journalists and denying everything, the justice system began to take action.

[Gabriel]: When El Faro revealed these investigations, the Prosecutor General’s Office took action and went to the prison facilities to seize a lot of information, computers, disks, documents… And of course, that caused a political divide in the government, because it was a threat to the stability of the government itself. If it is, or was, discovered, or if charges were suddenly brought against officials for these negotiations, it would create a crisis for the president because this fight against the gangs was his strongest weapon. And after a while, these prosecutors began to experience harassment from the government. 

[Silvia]: They were not only investigating these negotiations with gang members. In those months, the Prosecutor General’s Office also began to investigate the Bukele government for anomalous contracts during the pandemic. Media outlets such as Salud con Lupa, El Faro and Gato Encerrado revealed several cases of corruption from the first few months of the health crisis. And by August 2020, the Government Ethics Tribunal, a public institution, had received 124 reports of misuse of funds during the pandemic. Some 90% of those complaints involved the executive branch, according to the court’s director. In November of that year, prosecutors raided the offices of the Ministries of Health and Finance.

[Gabriel]: We have a prosecutor who is a nuisance for the government. So the government tries to undermine him, but to do that, it has to get enough votes in Congress to have room for maneuver and appoint someone, let’s say, more agreeable to the Bukele administration.

[Silvia]: But in addition to the Prosecutor General’s Office, the Constitutional Chamber had also been making the Bukele government uncomfortable for months. They had nullified some of his measures to combat the pandemic.

[Gabriel]: And that’s why Bukele put together a whole narrative against them, accusing them of genocide and accusing them of being against the Salvadoran people. And there’s even an audio out there in which the president says, “Well, if I were a dictator…»

[Archive soundbite, Bukele]: What? Dictator? I would have shot them all or something like that if I were really a dictator. You save a thousand lives in exchange for five, right? But no, I’m not a dictator.

[Silvia]: He’s referring to the five judges of the Constitutional Chamber.

[Eliezer]: This, then, is the run-up to a crucial vote: the February 2021 legislative election that we mentioned earlier. There was a lot at stake. For Bukele, it was the opportunity to take control of the Assembly if his party, Nuevas Ideas, won a majority of seats. And everything seemed to indicate that they were going to do it, although they did have some opposition. Lawyer Bertha Deleón, despite all the attacks, ran as a candidate for the Assembly for a small party called Nuestro Tiempo.

[Bertha]: I was like, “Well, I have a clear agenda that I would like to promote as a congresswoman.” Of course I also wanted immunity because I knew that they weren’t going to leave me alone. So it was like, “Well, this is my last attempt to keep fighting in El Salvador.”

[Eliezer]: Her campaign was very critical of Bukele. This is the start of one of her promotional messages:

[Archive soundbite, Bertha campaign publicity spot]: You said that there’s enough money when no one steals, but you don’t have enough cash; that you were going to be the most transparent government in history, but every day new cases of corruption appear…

[Bertha]: And let’s say, I knew I was giving it my all, I mean, it was all or nothing, and I gave everything. I think that’s why I am also, like, calm now, because I say I did the impossible, staying, fighting, carrying on, and well, I lost.

[Eliezer]: On election day, more than 19,000 people selected Bertha on the ballot. But it was not enough to win the seat. In contrast, Nuevas Ideas wiped the floor.

[Archive soundbite, journalist 5]: President Nayib Bukele has managed to consolidate his power with an unprecedented victory.

[Archive soundbite, journalist 6]: Therefore, he would not need to team up with any other political parties to pass budget laws, nor to elect magistrates of the Supreme Court of Justice or the Prosecutor General of the Republic, among other key positions.

[Eliezer]: Nuevas Ideas and its allied parties now added up to 64 seats, exceeding the qualified majority. That meant more than two thirds of the Assembly would be under their control. For Bertha, this resounding victory for Bukele was the sign that she had no other option but to leave the country.

[Bertha]: The truth is that I knew I had to leave from the moment they did the final count and I lost. I felt like a monster was breathing down my neck wherever I went. People told me, “There’s nothing left to do. You’ve already fanned the flames too much, it can’t be remedied, just look for somewhere to go.”

[Bertha]: And, well, I don’t regret it, no matter how much suffering this has caused me, as well as my family. I don’t regret having distanced myself from him.

[Eliezer]: A few months after the legislative election, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights granted precautionary measures in favor of Bertha. The Court considered that, being a critical voice against the government, she was in a situation described as «serious and urgent.» Even so, Bertha decided to leave the country. She sought asylum in Mexico. And she was granted it.

[Carlos Araujo]: The day he wins the Assembly, when he crosses the threshold of the qualified majority, that’s when I say, «Oh, this is serious.”

[Silvia]: This is Carlos Araujo again, whom we have already heard from in this series, and who worked with Bukele during his time as mayor of San Salvador. When we asked him at what point he started to really worry about the president’s authoritarianism, he didn’t say the moment when Bukele entered the Assembly with the military, or how he handled the pandemic… This was what he said: when Bukele gained control of the Assembly, and specifically, what he did on May 1, 2021, in the first plenary session under the Bukele system.

[Carlos]: We saw it in the first gesture of power he made that day. Their first act was to dismiss the prosecutor. In other words, their objective was to stop the scandals that were going to occur as a result of what was coming from the Prosecutor General’s Office. It had to be silenced. And he did it.

[Silvia]: The Assembly dismissed the Prosecutor General of El Salvador, Raúl Melara, and the five magistrates of the Constitutional Chamber. Gabriel explained to us that they did it in an illegal manner.

[Gabriel]: Without following any procedure that we could consider characteristic of a Rule of Law, because there wasn’t even a hearing, nor were the people involved ever heard.

[Carlos]: That means the two dismissals were totally illegal and were meant to stop all the accusations and what was already an institutional procedure on corruption and the pact he had with the gangs at that time.

[Silvia]: Many of the prosecutors who were investigating those negotiations ended up going into exile.

[Gabriel]: These prosecutors figured that if they knew too much and were in possession of evidence showing that the Bukele government had secretly negotiated with gang leaders behind the backs of Salvadorans, they had no choice but to leave.

[Silvia]: Carlos says that what came after this was a process of power concentration.

[Carlos]: And of dismantling the country’s institutions. There’s not a single institution in the country at this moment that isn’t suppressed, some through choice, and others out of fear. But not a single institution in this country at this moment is free from the intimidating pressure exerted by Nayib’s government.

[Silvia]: Bukele managed to concentrate the powers of the state in less than two years as president, although doing this so overtly cost him his international reputation, which was already damaged by February 9. European countries, the United States, and the Organization of American States all expressed their concern about the authoritarian direction, now clearer than ever, that Bukele was taking.

But it didn’t take him long to, once again, shift the spotlight to deflect criticism. Once in control of all branches of power, Bukele officially launched the beginning of a policy that allowed him to present himself as the young president against the global establishment, a crypto bro open to foreign investment from those looking to escape the traditional financial system and live a crypto fantasy.

In the next episode…

[Nelson Rauda]: Bitcoin is one of Bukele’s first policies, which he brought in once he’d dismantled democracy. You couldn’t do this in a democracy. 

[Roman Martínez]: Bitcoin Beach showed that Bitcoin could be an inclusive tool to create more opportunities, to bring in more tourism, and more investments.

[Wilfredo Urias]: So far it hasn’t been inclusive, though. So there are more opportunities for investors and fewer opportunities for local people.

[Silvia]: This series was made possible thanks to the support of the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting, Free Press Unlimited, Article 19 Mexico and Central America, the Foundation for Press Freedom (FLIP), and Dejusticia. Additionally, we appreciate FLIP for their advice and legal review, and Riesgo Cruzado for their valuable support in protection and security matters.

The producers and reporters of «Bukele: el señor de Los sueños» are Eliezer Budasoff and myself. Gabriel Labrador is our reporter and on-site producer. Desireé Yepez is our digital producer. Daniel Alarcón and Camila Segura are the editors. Carlos Dada is our editorial consultant. The fact-checkers are Bruno Scelza and Desireé Yepez. Selene Mazón is our production assistant. The music, mixing, and sound design are by Elías González. The graphic design and art direction are by Diego Corzo. The web development is by Paola Ponce. Thanks to Jonathan Blitzer for his support.

«Bukele, el señor de Los sueños» is a podcast from Central, the series channel of Radio Ambulante Estudios.

From Radio Ambulante Studios, the co-directors of product are Natalia Ramírez and Laura Rojas Aponte, with the assistance of Paola Alean. The audience and digital production team is formed by Samantha Proaño, Ana Pais, Analía Llorente, Melisa Rabanales. Press and community management is handled by Juan David Naranjo.

Camilo Jiménez Santofimio is the director of alliances and financing. Carolina Guerrero is the executive producer of Central and the CEO of Radio Ambulante Studios.

You can follow us on social media as centralpodcast RA and subscribe to our newsletter at centralpodcast.audio.

I am Silvia Viñas. Thank you for listening.

Credits

Produced and reported by: Silvia Viñas and Eliezer Budasoff

Produced and reported on site by: Gabriel Labrador

Digital Production: Desireé Yepez

Edited by: Daniel Alarcón and Camila Segura

Editorial Consulting: Carlos Dada

Fact-checking: Bruno Scelza and Desirée Yépez

Production Assistant: Selene Mazón

Music and Sound Design: Elías González

Graphic Design and Art Direction: Diego Corzo

Episode 1. Someone like Bukele

Episodio 1

[Eliezer Budasoff]: There’s a video from over a decade ago, May 2013, where you can see a draft of the future. 31-year-old Nayib Bukele is the young mayor of Nuevo Cuscatlán, a town on the outskirts of San Salvador, capital of El Salvador. He’s been invited by the only state university in the country to speak with students about “professional advancement for young people.” But he’s not there to teach them how to write a resume, Bukele says.

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]:… or how to dress for a job interview, or how to shake hands or modulate your voice. We are here to talk about how we’re going to change things… for everyone.

[Eliezer]: By this point, Bukele has been a municipal mayor, his first elected position, for only a year. A couple of weeks before taking office, he was still president of El Salvador’s Yamaha motorcycle dealership. Six years later, he would become president of the country. But in this talk, Bukele already has a slideshow and an idea to sell: the cause of all the country’s problems must be attacked.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: What is causing these issues? If I ask you what the issues are, we all know them: poverty, unemployment, lack of opportunities. But what is the cause of these issues? What creates these problems?

[Eliezer]: In a few minutes, Bukele mentions the possible culprits for the country’s issues and proceeds to discard them: the oligarchy, the government, education, the media… none of them is primarily responsible. And then he says something unexpected: the real cause, he says, are paradigms.

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]:A paradigm is, in the definition I bring, something planted in our heads, being made to look like the truth, even when they’re not. They’re not truths. Quite the opposite.

[Eliezer]: Standing in front of the students, Bukele sports a near-perfect beard, a white shirt with rolled-up sleeves, dress pants, and gelled hair. Everything is impeccable. He hasn’t yet perfected his tech-rebel aesthetic, or his rhetoric, but the essence of his discourse is already there. His ambition is there. He looks like a young executive who is new to politics and says what no one else says: Salvadorans have been brainwashed with false ideas. Things that aren’t true. Paradigms. For example: politics is bad, so don’t get involved.

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]:“People are poor because they’re lazy.” I’ve heard that one. Another paradigm goes:

[Eliezer]: Corporations create jobs.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: You’ve already heard this one: overspending. They say our government wastes money.

[Eliezer]:Everything he says is a bit arbitrary, but sounds convincing. He presents things in a way that makes them seem self-evident, stripped of ideology, only common sense. It’s like a TED talk. Until you get to the last example:

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]:And this is my favorite one: populism. You’ve heard that word before. It sounds ugly. Does anyone want a populist president?

[Eliezer]: The students don’t say anything.

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]:Nobody.

[Eliezer]:Bukele raises his hand, smiles, and asks them again: “Nobody?”

[Archivesoundbite, Nayib Bukele]: Nobody? Well, I do. After you leave, I’d ask you to grab a dictionary and look up the definition of the word “populism.”

[Eliezer]:He says that, when he was on his way to the talk, he looked up the word in a Larousse dictionary, and reads the definition from a PowerPoint slide:

[Archive soundbite,NayibBukele]:“Populism: a political doctrine that seeks to defend the interests and aspirations of the people.” That’s a bad thing here. Defending the interests and aspirations of the people is considered bad in El Salvador. And I came here, to Universidad de El Salvador, asked whether anyone wanted a populist president, and no one raised their hand.

[Eliezer]:The talk is almost finished. The students have their eyes fixed on the politician who now challenges them. In six years, he will be their president. Later, he will take selfies at the UN, break into Congress with military forces, negotiate with gangs, amass all the State’s power. He’ll become the most popular president in the Americas. He’ll also persecute the press, prevent them from investigating corruption in his government, make Bitcoin the country’s legal tender, and dismantle gangs. He’ll turn El Salvador into the country with the highest incarceration rate in the world, violate the Constitution, and be cited as an example by politicians and citizens throughout the continent.

Right now, though, he is just a young publicist, a town mayor with an idea to convey: the cause of the country’s problems are the ideas that were put in our heads, the things we believe are bad but are actually good. We are all locked in a cage, Bukele tells students.

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]:Prison bars are paradigms. But we have the key.

[Eliezer]:And he knows which key opens the door.

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]:Break the paradigms. That’s all we have to do.

[Eliezer]:This is The Man from Los Sueños, a podcast by Radio Ambulante Studios. I’m Eliezer Budasoff.

[SilviaViñas]:I am Silvia Viñas. Episode 1: “Someone like Bukele.”

[Archivesoundbite,JuanSoler]:I’m a Nayib Bukele fan to the core. That guy is showing that we Latin Americans can be good people.

[Archivesoundbite,Podcaster]:The balls on that president, the one from El Salvador.

-Nayib Bukele.

-Big balls he has.

[Archivesoundbite,CarlosPineda]:I mean, you could say he’s a cool dictator.

-Exactly.

-But he’s a good dictator!

[Archivesoundbite,AngélicaVale]:Do you know who’s amazing? The president of El Salvador. Wow!

-Oh yeah, Bukele! What a genius.

-Yeah!

[Silvia]: Nayib Bukele’s construction of power, the story that we’ll tell you about in the next six episodes, is an emblematic tale of our era, embodying the cracks through which the entire meaning of democracy leaks out.

In the last five years, El Salvador has become a kind of authoritarian experiment, a political model transforming at an unprecedented speed before our eyes. Bukele came to power in 2019 as the millennial president, the youngest in Latin America, who defeated traditional politics thanks to his charisma and communication skills. He’s now running for the 2024 elections, violating his country’s Constitution — which prohibits re-election in six different articles — while maintaining total control of the three public powers, and governing in a police state imposed by legislative decree. Literally nothing can stop him, because, also, his popularity is huge.

[Eliezer]:Today, politicians throughout the continent talk about the Bukele model, about applying “the Bukele Plan,” as they call it in Peru. In Chile,

Argentina, Mexico, Honduras, Costa Rica and Colombia, mayors, candidates, legislators, party leaders and presidents talk about copying him and following his example. Nayib Bukele is the perfect model of a political current undermining from the inside the government system as we know it.

[Silvia]: But it’s not just them. Among the thousands of comments people leave for Bukele on social media, it is very common to find things like: “In our country we need someone like Bukele.” But what does “someone like Bukele” mean? That’s what we’ll talk about in this series, as we attempt to understand, along the way, how someone convinces society that the only way to repair things is to give him unlimited power, and when the promises of democracy no longer matter at all.

The first time much of the world heard about Nayib Bukele was in February 2019, after his victory in the first round of El Salvador’s presidential elections. When it happened, we all received about the same information:

[Archivesoundbite,media]

[Medium1]: A 37-year-old PR specialist who doesn’t wear ties became the youngest president in El Salvador’s recent history.

[Medium2]: Businessman Nayib Bukele targeted his campaign at the media and social networks.

[Medium3]: He has empathy with young people and millennials.

[Medium4]: He’s broken with the traditional left-right two-party system in the country.

[Medium 5]: El Salvador has swerved to the right with Nayib Bukele. [Medium 6]: He identifies with young people and wants to end violence. [Medium6]:Also, he likes to wear jeans.

[Silvia]:Much of the media used the term outsiderto refer to him. But Nayib Bukele wasn’t an outsider in any way when he showed up on international news wearing a leather jacket. He had been in politics for about a decade, had a career as a publicist, and a strategy to build power conceived in a very small town. And before all that, he was a child in a bubble:

Gabriel Labrador: He was a very privileged child. He lived in a very wealthy area of San Salvador. On top of that, Nayib and some of his brothers studied in bilingual schools, which here in El Salvador are, let’s say, schools for the elite.

[Eliezer]:This is Gabriel Labrador, a journalist for the Salvadoran media outlet El Faro, where he has covered politics for years.

[Gabriel]: He remembers his childhood as a time in which he got a lot of intellectual influence from his father. He would see him reading, always surrounded by books, piles of books in his house, etc. But very little is known about his childhood.

[Eliezer]:In 2021, Gabriel published one of the most thorough profiles ever written about Nayib Bukele. When we started producing this series, we asked him to help us explore the president’s history and environment, to be our guide through the world that he knows intimately.

[Silvia]: We knew Bukele’s circle had become increasingly tighter as his power grew. Gabriel says he contacted 41 people in writing this profile. Only nine agreed to be identified. Some spoke anonymously. The rest rejected any possibility of it. People who have known him closely or have been part of his circle of trust are in one of these situations:

[Gabriel]:Now, they either continue with Bukele, they’ve had a falling out, or are on the outside and don’t want anything to do with politics or to talk about him again.

[Eliezer]:This is why, Gabriel says, little is known about his childhood. Bukele prefers to associate his childhood to the influence of his father, a main figure in

the mythology that he’s built about himself and, possibly, the central piece of the puzzle of his beginnings.

[Silvia]: Nayib is the fifth child of Armando Bukele Kattán, a businessman from a family of Palestinian immigrants who arrived in El Salvador at the beginning of the 20th century.

[Gabriel]: They started selling things in San Salvador’s city center. Then they set up factories.

[Silvia]:They set up businesses that sold textiles, furniture, machinery. They were talented merchants.

[Gabriel]: Which is a bit of the stereotype of Arab immigrants who came to this area of the world back then.

[Eliezer]:Between the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, hundreds of Middle Eastern immigrants landed in El Salvador. Nayib Bukele’s grandfather was one of them. Their ability to undertake businesses allowed many families to amass fortunes, but they never enjoyed a privileged social status. The traditional elites despised them for their origin, and their quick ascent didn’t sit well with local merchants.

[Silvia]:This discrimination not only limited Arab families socially, but also financially. In the mid-1930s, for example, the Legislative Assembly passed a decree forbidding owners of Arab, Palestinian, Turkish, and other backgrounds from establishing businesses, even if they had become Salvadoran citizens. Bureaucratic obstacles and contempt did not prevent them from becoming a thriving bourgeoisie. But it was clear that earning money was not enough for them to be treated equally, and Nayib Bukele’s father was aware of that.

[Gabriel]: Armando Bukele Kattán, apart from being an intellectual guy, is quite versatile. He’s someone who likes money and knows how to make it, getting good profit from everything he does. That becomes, I think, a breaking point for the Bukele family, as they also begin to get into politics.

[Silvia]:It’s natural, Gabriel says, for Armando Bukele, Nayib’s father, to have established relations with the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (known by its acronym in Spanish, FMLN), the country’s traditional left-wing party.

[Gabriel]:The political left was trying to dismantle the status quo set up by the European-Creole elite. So it was normal for the Bukele family — or Nayib’s father — to lean towards the side challenging the power of this European elite.

[Eliezer]:Beyond his skills as a businessman, Nayib Bukele’s father was a notable character in Salvadoran society. He was a chemical engineer recognized in academia. He converted to Islam and founded the first mosque in San Salvador. He had six partners in his life. He was polygamous because his religion allowed him to be so. That’s why Nayib has nine siblings. For years, he maintained a televised segment called “Clarifying concepts,” where he talked about the national and regional state of affairs, history, a little bit of everything.

[Archive soundbite, Armando Bukele]:Integrity and honesty come first. If they aren’t present, it’s better to have a stupid and reckless person who steals less than a diligent and capable one… The biblical image of Eve as a temptress has had a negative impact on women in the Judeo-Christian tradition…

[Eliezer]: He made over 700 shows. Just him, a table, sometimes a plant, and his opinions on the world.

[Archivesoundbite,ArmandoBukele]:The problem in El Salvador is that there’s no money and an honest government is required. Zero greed, zero evasion, zero corruption.

[Silvia]:Nayib Bukele has set out to amplify his father’s intellectual relevance. He once described him this way in an interview:

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: I think he’s the smartest man our country has ever given birth to… And I’m not the one saying it; his IQ test does: 157. I don’t know whether anyone has a higher one…

[Eliezer]:To give you perspective: Einstein is often attributed an IQ of 160, although he never took a test for it. But he was not Salvadoran.

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]: He developed patents, wrote a physics book, was nominated for a Nobel Prize…

[Silvia]: The Nobel Prize nomination is, basically, a fabrication. But, according to Gabriel, Bukele has reasons to so magnify his father’s image:

[Gabriel]:Nayib has used him at every opportunity because at the time he needed to present himself as the heir of a high-caliber intellectual.

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]: Actually, for me, the greatest school has always been my father.

[Eliezer]: Nayib Bukele inherited much more than businesses and money from his father, but not necessarily intellectual ambition. In high school, he wasn’t someone who stood out in the classroom. At least not for being a dedicated student.

[Óscar Picardo]: He was a regular student, let’s say… But he did have some… um, particular features.

[Silvia]: The person speaking is Óscar Picardo, director of the Institute of Science, Technology and Innovation at Francisco Gavidia University. Óscar is an academic and researcher, and has known Bukele for a long time:

[Óscar]: I was his teacher in primary school, in seventh, eighth and ninth grades at the Pan-American School. I’ve known him since he was a kid, basically.

[Silvia]:This is how Óscar describes Bukele when he was a boy:

[Óscar]:Discreet, a little quiet. Yes, he exercised leadership in a group of students who are precisely those accompanying him in the government today. His family had resources. I mean, that sometimes leads to natural leadership, right?

[Silvia]: The Salvadoran president’s close circle hasn’t changed drastically since he was a teenager. On the one hand, a group of friends he forged at Panamericana, a small, bilingual private school for children of wealthy families

— although, according to Óscar, not the most exclusive nor aristocratic one. On the other hand, as Gabriel explains, he has his links to the Arab community and his extended family.

[Gabriel]: At that moment, I think Nayib was forced to forge alliances, to weave networks with other Palestinian children, because the European caste here always looked down on Arabs. So Nayib, his father and his grandfather suffered rejection from our traditional economic elites. And that translates into the parents’ business world as well as the children’s world.

[Eliezer]: Picardo remembers a particular trait of Bukele’s as a student, besides his leadership skills:

[Óscar]:When it came time to define himself in the school’s yearbook, he curiously defined himself — and this is how it’s written in the yearbook — as the “class terrorist,” jokingly, because of the Arab connotation.

[Silvia]:The class terrorist graduated in 1999. Classic Bukele: his ability to appropriate what others consider bad and turn it around. Playing with these double-edged swords would become a hallmark in his profile and political discourse.

[NataliadelCid]:Someone uploaded that yearbook photo online, and it said “class terrorist.” And I honestly didn’t remember. I was even surprised because in my mind we had called him “class clown.”

[Eliezer]: This is Natalia del Cid, a specialist in immigration issues, and Bukele’s former classmate. They were together in a small class of only 13 students, and that is one of the things she remembers most about him, that he made jokes.

[Natalia]:He made a lot of jokes… When he was little, he would impersonate Mister Magoo perfectly. And he had quite big cheeks, so he could perfectly impersonate Quico, the character from El Chavo del Ocho, and did so very well. He made us laugh.

[Eliezer]:Were you surprised by Nayib Bukele’s emergence into politics?

[Natalia]: Not at all. I must confess, we all voted for him in our class. A teacher showed up and said we had to elect a class president. She asked who wanted the position and we all said no. So boring, right? That’s what you say when you’re at that age: “How boring, I better go party.” Maybe no one had that aspiration. Then Nayib said he wanted to be president. So we all said, “OK, he wants it”. So he unanimously received 12 votes, which was 100% of the classroom.

[Silvia]: In fact, none of them were surprised to see him enter politics, Natalia says.

Natalia]:No one was surprised because it was very clear to him. He would never say it out loud, but he already had the markings of a politician from a very young age. And he liked it. You not only need the aptitude; he actually liked it. And he always had very, very big ambitions…

[Silvia]: Bukele’s first contact with politics was behind the scenes. In 1999, after graduating high school, Bukele assumed the presidency of Obermet, the family’s advertising agency. He was 18 years old. At that time, the agency began to manage FMLN campaigns. Nayib’s father, Gabriel says, had built relationships with the leftist party’s leaders since the 1980s, when the country was in the midst of a civil war. One of these leaders was Shafik Hándal, one of five FMLN general commanders, also of Palestinian descent. With the peace

signing, in the early 1990s, these ties translated into an alliance that yielded political and financial zbenefits for the Bukele family.

[Eliezer]: From then until his first candidacy for mayor, just over a decade later, Bukele didn’t have a large public presence. He tried studying law for a couple of years, while working in advertisement at the family agency. He left the career, however, to dedicate himself full time to his father’s businesses. In the early 2000s, he ventured for a time as a businessman of the night, managing a nightclub called “Mario’s,” a name he changed to «Code.»

[Silvia]: Nothing known about his life before politics seems to lead conclusively to what Bukele would become later. The question is, then, how someone like Bukele, at age 30, came to run as mayoral candidate for his country’s traditional left-wing party.

[Gabriel]:Why does a businessman, a millionaire’s son, decide to jump into politics? It remains totally inexplicable, incomprehensible. According to him, of course, it’s because he wanted to change the country and stop sitting comfortably.

[Eliezer]: Bukele has used different variations of that explanation. In this interview, for example, the interviewer tells him that citizens only know one side of him:

[Archive soundbite, interviewer]: You know Nayib Bukele as the entrepreneurial guy, a successful businessman, but the question is: Who really is Nayib Bukele?

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: Well, I’m just another Salvadoran who loves his country and would like to see it change. I believe all Salvadorans dream of seeing our country take a different path, to see it flourish.

[Silvia]: To reinforce the idea that he sacrificed himself for his vocation to serve, Bukele has repeated that his father, his most important mentor, didn’t want him involved in party politics.

[Archive soundbite,NayibBukele]: One thing I thank my father for is that he didn’t want me to get into politics. But once I got involved, he supported me like no one else.

[Eliezer]: This is what he told influencer Luisito Comunica, one of the ten most popular Spanish-speaking YouTubers in the world, in a kind of interview they did years later. His father, Nayib explained, told him that getting into politics meant, automatically, making enemies, which wasn’t in his best interest.

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukeleandLuisito Comunica]

[Nayib Bukele]: When I told him I was going to run for mayor, he got angry with me. Literally, he got very, very angry. But when I said, “No, I’m really doing it,” he said, “Well, then I’ll support you.”

[LuisitoComunica]:Did you ever tell him you wanted to be president of the country?

[NayibBukele]:No. I didn’t. He told me.

[LuisitoComunica]:He told you? “You’re… ?”

[Nayib Bukele]: Yes, he said, “You’re going to be president.” ”OK, dad, but I’m not even going to be mayor of the capital city.” And he said, “You are going to be president…”

[Eliezer]: There are those who see an important relationship between the contempt the country’s creole elite treated Palestinian families with and the Bukele family’s quest for power. Shortly after his son got into politics, Armando Bukele said in one of his television programs:

[Archive soundbite, Armando Bukele]: The Arab community in El Salvador is now strong enough to be dominant. But since we don’t have a hegemonic

consciousness, let us at least act to stop being controlled. El Salvador is also ours.

[Gabriel]: I think when Nayib begins to understand how political marketing works, he and his dad figured out that they have a winning formula.

[Silvia]: That winning formula would arrive in 2011. After leading companies, managing a nightclub and running FMLN campaigns for a decade, Nayib Bukele saw an opportunity in Nuevo Cuscatlán, a town of less than 8,000 people on the outskirts of San Salvador. In a video, he explains how he became a candidate. He met with a party leader to plan the following year’s electoral campaign and presented the idea to him, as if he had just come up with it:

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]: We were organizing the 2012 campaign and I asked him whether he had a candidate for mayor of Nuevo Cuscatlán. He said they didn’t and asked why. I said, ”Because here I am, if you want it that way.” They agreed, but said we had to meet with the people of Nuevo Cuscatlán to see whether they wanted it. This is how we met with our constituents, and they agreed.

[Eliezer]: The process was actually not as simple and much more revealing, and we are going to tell you about it shortly. But it’s understandable that his candidacy for mayor of Nuevo Cuscatlán can be seen today as the first step in a strategy that had much larger positions on the horizon. For Picardo, academic and Bukele’s former school teacher, things are clear.

[Óscar]:He wisely decided to run for a small mayor’s office, a very small, strategic town, which made him shine with few resources. From there, he made the leap to the San Salvador mayor’s office, and from there to the presidency.

[Silvia]: After the break, we’ll go to Nuevo Cuscatlán. We’ll be back.

[MIDROLL]:

[FlipandArticle19]:In the last 5 years, 325 journalists from El Salvador, Mexico, Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Honduras have been forced into exile due to intimidation from politicians or armed groups. It’s a terrifying figure. Violence against the press affects journalists and hinders access to information.

For organizations like the Foundation for Press Freedom in Colombia, and Article 19 in Mexico and Central America, exile is a regional phenomenon that creates psychological and financial pressures, weakening democratic systems.

[DanielAlarcón]:The production company behind «Bukele, el señor de los sueños» is Radio Ambulante Estudios. And we have two other podcasts you should listen to. Every Tuesday, we release Radio Ambulante. Stories of families, migration, adventure, and love. And every Friday, we release El hilo, where we cover and thoroughly explain an impactful news story from Latin America. Look for Radio Ambulante and El hilo on your preferred podcast app.

[Archivesoundbite,ambi]:

[Silvia]:There’s the N.

[MaríaPazRivas]:Look, there’s the N.

[Silvia]:It’s everywhere.

[MaríaPaz]:The new city, yes, the new city, with all the concrete shoved into it.

[Silvia]: It’s July 2023 and I’m in a car with Gabriel on the road to Nuevo Cuscatlán, a town just outside San Salvador. It takes about 15 to 30 minutes to get there from the capital, depending on traffic. María Paz Rivas is going with us. She’s a veteran community leader who’s lived in this town since she was born. There’s a giant light blue “N” at one of the town entrances. There are similar ones distributed in public places. Those Ns mean we are in Nayib land.

[Archivesoundbite,ambi]:

[María Paz]: …As I was saying, when I saw the N seal, oh, man… That N makes me feel like saying a lot of things.

[Silvia]: Why?

[MaríaPaz]:Because how is it possible they just put that seal in the new city. Just threw some concrete on it, ruining the streets, destroying the land that feeds us. Everywhere, covered in concrete. This is progress

[Silvia]:The N symbolizes the transformation this town has experienced since Bukele became mayor in 2012, a little over a decade ago. Now it’s the town’s logo, which has the slogan “The New City” and is almost identical to the logo of the president’s party, Nuevas Ideas (New Ideas). And, of course, the N also stands for Nayib. Here you can find Los Sueños, a residential area where Bukele has lived with his wife for about ten years. It is a gated community with huge houses, large gardens and swimming pools, similar to other luxury residential complexes that have sprung like mushrooms in the area in recent years.

[Eliezer]:It’s the place where he began his political career, as he explained in an interview:

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]: To me, Nuevo Cuscatlán is my baby. It’s my project. They’re my people, as are all Salvadorans. My country is 8,000 square miles and my people are the 7 million Salvadorans. But my baby, my project, my ideal was to build Nuevo Cuscatlán, where a lot has been done.

[Eliezer]: Nuevo Cuscatlán is Bukele’s golden dream, built to sell his management skills to Salvadorans. Approximately 6 square miles of green, mountainous territory surrounded by coffee farms. In it, several communities were formed by those who came to work on the farms. When Nayib ran for mayor, Nuevo Cuscatlán was already becoming a hub of residential developments for wealthy people, but this sped up upon his arrival.

[Silvia]: María Paz Rivas, our guide through town, witnessed Nayib’s arrival. In 2011, she was part of the local FMLN board. They had already started working

on the mayoral campaign and had, as candidate, an evangelical pastor who lived in town. But one day, they were called to an emergency meeting. There, the local party coordinator told them that the candidate was now going to be Nayib Bukele.

[MaríaPaz]:They said, “This is going to be our candidate.” And why does he have a sure win? Because he has money. Because he’s the owner of this and that. That’s how easily they started eroding our minds. That’s how Bukele imposed himself on us. But what hurt them the most was when I told them that it was an imposition. I made eternal enemies that day.

[Silvia]: The first objection FMLN militants raised, after working on the campaign with the pastor who was the other candidate, was quite elementary, María Paz recalls.

[MaríaPaz]:Where was he from? That was our first question: Where was he from? We had never heard of Bukele. Who brought him?

[Silvia]:No one had brought Nayib Bukele: he had proposed himself as a candidate. But the question made sense, since what little they knew about him had nothing to do with the ideology they defended. María Paz brought this up, she explains, in that first meeting:

[MaríaPaz]:I asked them, “How am I going to find Bukele relatable if he was born with a silver spoon in his mouth? I’ve been representing a community. What do you plan to do? Do you think he is going to be in our favor? In favor of the poor? Excuse me, colleagues, but that won’t happen, ever.” That was all I told them.

[Eliezer]:The decision, of course, had already been made. As we told you before, the Bukele family were old friends of the party. Nayib had been campaigning for FMLN for years, and had also convinced a couple of important leaders to get rid of their candidate by appealing to the polls, an indispensable tool in his political belt. He presented numbers that said they would lose if they

went with the pastor, and that he had a chance of winning. But, once he prevailed, he had to start fighting a natural prejudice against his image.

[Gabriel]: Class background is very important inside the FMLN. That defines your position in the world, your way of facing problems and proposing solutions. And I think Nayib was aware he didn’t really fit in on the left. But he took care of it by speaking about these alternative millionaires or these millionaires with a social conscience.

[Silvia]: That was, literally, the speech he used while campaigning for mayor of Nuevo Cuscatlán. During an interview, Bukele was asked:

[Archivesoundbite,interviewer]: Is this a matter of political ambition or political vocation for you, understanding politics as a vocation of service?

[NayibBukele]:Yes, it is a vocation to serve, but it’s also about ambition, in a good way. Not ambition in the sense of wanting power. Because, really, my companies’ budget is much larger than Nuevo Cuscatlan’s mayoral budget. So it’s not ambition for the sake of money or power.

[Eliezer]:Bukele repeated several versions of this idea: that he had much to lose by getting into politics, but that it was his vocation. And in order to bolster this narrative, he began to carry out works around town before the elections, which, he claimed, came out of his own pocket.

[Gabriel]:We don’t know where that money came from, but before being in the mayor’s office, he began to pave roads and install LED lights in the streets. People saw that and said, “Great, a millionaire using money for good things.”

[Silvia]:Bukele would also give out money at campaign events to people who asked for a bed, a birthday cake, or a basket of food, María Paz says. He also promised to solve the town’s most enduring problems, such as water. He told the most precarious communities they would have free drinking water, every day, 24 hours a day. None of that would actually be free, María Paz says. Not

the water, the things he gave out, or the promises. But the price to pay would come later.

[Eliezer]: On March 11, 2012, Nayib Bukele won the mayor’s office by a difference of less than 300 votes (in an election where a little over 5,000 people voted). This turned Nuevo Cuscatlán into a preview of the managerial model that would characterize the Salvadoran president: one who doesn’t stop, who is not accountable, who promises and executes based on the publicity potential of his actions instead of future consequences.

[Gabriel]: He knows he has everything in that town ahead of him, a completely new avenue where many things can be done. And he certainly begins to show different projects: a radio station, a school with special resources, remodeling of parks, etc.

[Silvia]: He promised he would donate his salary as mayor for scholarships. He also published ads looking for “talented people” to give jobs to, visited neighboring towns to distribute food, and opened a free health clinic.

[Archivesoundbite,Nayib Bukele]: In this clinic, our patients will wait in an air-conditioned room, with coffee, comfortable chairs, and a plasma TV.

[Gabriel]: He starts spending a lot of money, and, of course, everyone begins to wonder: where is this money coming from?

[Archivesoundbite, Nayib Bukele]: How do we have enough money? Well, you can’t imagine how much money there is when no one steals.

[Gabriel]: That’s when he and his team revealed this wonderful phrase: “Money is enough when no one steals.” It’s a phrase that continues to be with him to this day. While this is happening — him inaugurating works, repeating this phrase every time he can — the reality is, the town’s credit card is maxing out, getting into a lot of debt, because there really isn’t that much money to do things.

[Eliezer]: Indeed, by the end of 2014, two and a half years after he took office as mayor, Nuevo Cuscatlán was running out of money. The Ministry of Finance classified the mayor’s office in the worst financial category, as its debt had grown by 320% compared to 2011. By then, though, Bukele’s mind was already on the next step. That August, he announced that he would run for mayor of San Salvador.

[Gabriel]: That’s what Nayib is about… Marketing above all. The message, above all. And if we have problems in the future, we solve them with more marketing and advertising, and with more rhetorical messages and street lights, etc.

[Silvia]: Nayib Bukele turned Nuevo Cuscatlán into his publicity material, a place to bring both desires and fears — the two elements that move advertisement — into reality. On one hand, he created an image of progress, which he associated with the idea that prosperity was possible when there was no corruption. On the other, he began to work with the most widespread fear of Salvadorans in order to sell something that seemed impossible: the hope of living without violence.

[Archivesoundbite,newscast]: In Nuevo Cuscatlán, no violent deaths were recorded in 2013. The town has promoted a zero homicides plan… Thanks to the management of Mayor Nayib Bukele, we’ve managed to successfully close 2013 as a zero-homicide town.

[Eliezer]: For a country that, even in the midst of a truce between the government and the gangs, had closed that same 2013 with almost 2,500 homicides — that is, over six murders per day — talking about zero homicides sounded incredible. But Nuevo Cuscatlán had never been a violent town. In all of 2012, only four homicides had been recorded, less than what the country suffered on average in a single day.

[Silvia]: Lawyer Bertha María Deleón, who would become part of Bukele’s legal team a few years later, knew that “zero homicides” was a marketing strategy rather than a managerial achievement.

[Bertha Deleón]: I knew that because I worked at the Prosecutor’s Office, in Homicides, and we never went to Nuevo Cuscatlán to inspect corpses.

[Silvia]: Before meeting him in person, what Bertha knew about Nayib Bukele was what he himself had put forward to show outside the town:

[Bertha]: I knew he was the mayor of Nuevo Cuscatlán, that he had a progressivist discourse. He spoke a lot about youth rights, for example, and would show up in a jacket and his cap on backwards. So it was like that coolness, let’s say. It gave the impression that he was capable of thinking differently from the politicians that we were already fed up with.

[Eliezer]: Indeed, Nayib Bukele seemed capable of thinking differently from his country’s politicians. His age and class background allowed him to look at the political game outside of traditional codes. He understood communication very differently from his more experienced adversaries. He was a strange figure on the left, because he came from wealth, and strange for the right, which would never take up the cause of “the people.” Over time, it became clear that he didn’t feel ideologically tied to anything that didn’t work towards his goals. That distance allowed him to turn everything into a narrative battle.

[Silvia]: Understanding that the facts didn’t matter as much as the narration of the facts made Bukele move forward quickly. When the FMLN decided that Bukele would be their candidate for mayor of San Salvador, his main opponent was Norman Quijano, a veteran of the ARENA party, who already governed the capital and was running for re-election. According to Gabriel, he was the best-positioned candidate at the national level, and the only great figure on the right.

[Eliezer]: During a television interview, before the campaign officially began, a journalist asked Quijano what he thought about the FMLN having decided to put Bukele to compete against him.

[Gabriel]: Norman Quijano, a longstanding politician in ARENA, anti-communist, etc., responds as a man with war wounds and several stripes on his chest. He says he has more experience than Bukele. That he’s a young man who is starting up…

[Archivesoundbite,NormanQuijano]: So I think it’s to be expected from Nayib, who is a very young man…

[Gabriel]: That phrase could have hit Nayib Bukele hard in a traditional campaign. But what he decides to do is to use it to his advantage.

[Eliezer]: So he meets with his team to see how they would respond.

[Gabriel]: To them, Norman Quijano is a politician they can easily hit, because he represents traditional politics. So they get together and start brainstorming and decide to use this phrase, turn it into a hashtag, print it on t-shirts and give them away in different parts of San Salvador.

[Eliezer]:They took the phrase, removed Bukele’s name and turned it into an affront to all young people: “You are very young.” That was the hashtag.

[Gabriel]:In a matter of 24 hours they set it up, drive around and start giving merch away. Then it shows up on social media, Twitter, Facebook. It goes viral, becomes a cool, defiant phenomenon that ends up hitting back at Norman Quijano. Just weeks later, Norman Quijano decides to resign.

[Silvia]:A couple of months later, ARENA chose a new candidate to run for mayor: a younger politician who was also a businessman. But Nayib Bukele had spent two and a half years building a resume as mayor and used all of it in his San Salvador mayoral campaign. In one of his interviews as candidate to govern the capital, he said:

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: I can no longer run with the resume I ran with in 2012. I have to say what things I did as mayor. In 2012, I was elected as an entrepreneur. Today I’m mayor. Now I have to say what I did in my three

years as mayor. So this is it: we gave scholarships to young people, quality healthcare, safety, drinking water, and family food baskets for 100% of the elderly. We put Nuevo Cuscatlán on the map, infrastructure plans…

[Silvia]:He was prepared to answer every question journalists or adversaries asked about the enormous difference between running a town of less than 8,000 and a city of more than three hundred thousand. As he did with Quijano’s phrase, he turned weaknesses into strengths. He turned the difference in size, for example, into a difference in budget, to be able to say that he, in proportion, had done more things with less money:

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]: Nuevo Cuscatlán has a budget of two million dollars a year and San Salvador has a budget of 86 million. That’s 43 times the town’s budget, and its population is only 28 times larger. Therefore, it has a larger budget than Nuevo Cuscatlán per capita.

[Silvia]: In response to the difference between facing insecurity in a town where almost nothing happens and doing so in the most violent city in the country, he used a clever resource: he presented himself as someone concerned about each individual life.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: After three years of not having homicides, we had the first one. Almost three years; we were going to close our term undefeated. And then we had one. Many people told me not to worry, that it was only one. But how can I not worry if he’s someone’s son?

[Eliezer]: Watching different interviews of Bukele back then, it’s easy to understand the effect he achieved. He’s a new face, saying that the things that concern Salvadorans the most are easy to solve, that he’s already done it, and he sets up everything as if it were a problem of scale and efficiency. It’s not surprising, then, that in March 2015, Nayib Bukele won San Salvador’s mayoral elections with just over 50% of the votes.

[CarlosAraujo]:When he won the mayoralty of San Salvador, he already had quite the discourse of a status quo agitator.

[Silvia]:This is Carlos Araujo, a historic politician from ARENA, the most important right-wing party in El Salvador.

[Carlos]:He stood out because, whether you like it or not, at that moment, traditional Salvadoran politics was already on its last legs. He seemed to attract a lot of attention and, the truth is, it was exciting. Leaders are like that, after all, and something that has to be recognized is that the guy is a leader.

[Silvia]: Araujo was a key election official for his party and has been working with technology and data processing, such as public opinion polls, for years. Despite being part of the opposition and today he still is, he told us that, back then, he also got excited with Bukele.

[Eliezer]: Carlos got to know Bukele’s management style in the San Salvador mayor’s office up close. When he won the elections, he and his brother, Walter

— also a right-wing cadre and today a political mercenary at the service of Bukelism — offered Nayib a service for his government:

[Carlos]: He had an application called Sívar, where citizens could use technology and phone apps to have a way to request solutions for services provided by the mayor’s office. Whether a light bulb burned out, or garbage needed to be picked up, streets needed repair, or trees needed to be pruned.

[Silvia]:Carlos and his brother were in charge of managing the service that powered the app. It seemed tailor-made for Bukele, because it offered the illusion that everyday problems could be reduced to a matter of technological efficiency. Nayib wanted to make his mark as mayor, and he wanted to do it fast.

[Carlos]: When he arrived at the San Salvador mayor’s office, he already had a route mapped out for where he wanted to go. And the San Salvador mayor’s office ended up being a stepping stone, because it is the government of the capital, the one with the biggest budget, the most media coverage, and he is

extremely media-friendly when it comes to those things. So it was an additional step he had to take prior to what he wanted to achieve.

[Eliezer]: Beyond an app, in order to use the San Salvador mayor’s office as a stepping stone, he needed public works, which have been a pillar of his political marketing from the beginning. His flagship project as mayor was the recovery of a small part of San Salvador’s historic center, and its star, at that time, was a market he named Cuscatlán, a word he uses a lot.

The Cuscatlán market: a multi-story building with escalators, computers, a library, rooftop bars and other unthinkable amenities for an area that had always been dominated by informal commerce, gangs and squalor.

[Archivesoundbite,ambi]

[Gabriel]:Walking looking like this, with a visible recorder and an authentic tourist look… It would have been too obvious for the thieves, but aha, now it’s like…

[Silvia]:Now… you can do it?

[Gabriel]:Yes, you can do it.

[Silvia]: I went with Gabriel to tour the historic center on a Monday in July, 2023. I wanted to understand what the most emblematic project of Bukele’s administration had meant for the city and its people. We went in the afternoon, the sun was burning like embers, and the square where we were, called Libertad, was bustling with people. When Nayib became mayor, Gabriel told me, he knew he had to make something of a visual impact, and the downtown area was iconic.

[Gabriel]: Thousands, tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands of Salvadorans pass through here every day. This and another square were remodeled and equipped so that people could walk around and spend time here.

[Silvia]:Although Bukele usually talks about the “recovery of downtown,” Gabriel showed me that the project, until then, was reduced to only about six of the 250 blocks that are considered part of the historic center.

[Gabriel]:That’s why I say this is a marketing product. The difference is that you didn’t have this feeling of spaciousness before. I mean, everything seemed to be piled together. Prostitutes, thieves, probably. But it began to be seen on social media. They opened bars. So there was a resurgence, let’s say, of the downtown area, that was part of Nayib’s legacy. I think that, as mayor, it’s the most notable thing and the only thing he managed to do. He saw it as him doing new things that no other mayor had been able to do. But, of course, in order to get street vendors off the streets, he had to negotiate with gangs, and he did that through intermediaries from his own mayor’s office.

[Silvia]:We’ll talk about Bukele’s negotiations with gangs later in the series. But, for now, what needs to be understood is that the difference between Bukele and other politicians seemed to be, more than anything, that he was willing to do whatever it took to achieve his goals. His downtown recovery project had also bypassed heritage and architecture laws. The market space was rented at an almost double premium. Also, a later audit found, in its first evaluation, that the mayor and a group of councilors had made arbitrary decisions, without legal support, that harmed the town by millions of dollars.

[Eliezer]:Carlos Araujo, the ARENA politician who worked for a time with Bukele when he was mayor of San Salvador, says that, actually, arbitrariness was basically his form of management, not an exception to the rule. His close team already knew, Carlos says, that those were the conditions.

[Carlos]:I mean, it was a team of “yes sir, yes sir”, even if he was wrong, and they knew he was wrong about some things. He doesn’t allow discussion.

[Eliezer]:Nayib Bukele doesn’t like to be contradicted, and, at this point, the entire country knows it. But some of the first to know, besides his team, were journalists. This is how lawyer Bertha de León met him, when he was mayor of

San Salvador, over a case related to attacks on the media, which was known as “the cyber attack.”

[Silvia]:The case is complex, but it can be summarized like this: two of the most important newspapers in the country published things that Bukele didn’t like. To take revenge, people linked to Nayib designed replicas of these newspapers’ websites with news that mocked their directors, and put them online. They filed a complaint, and the investigation reached Bukele.

[Bertha]:It was stupid teenage stuff, basically taking the name of La Prensa Gráfica and Diario de Hoy, making parody covers, grabbing the directors’ photos, with a headline like “José Roberto Dutriz says that the pupusas he likes most are stirred.” And you read the news and it was pure nonsense. That was basically what happened. They set up parody pages. There was no cyber attack.

[Eliezer]:Bukele seemed to have felt so entitled to combat criticism he didn’t even bother to hide his involvement in the attacks, according to Bertha.

[Bertha]:Even Nayib himself wrote to La Prensa’s editorial director, taking credit for the parody. There were also chat conversations where he told them every action has a reaction and that, if they continued publishing things against him, he would continue with the attacks.

[Silvia]:Bertha was a high-profile lawyer who had earned a reputation as a litigator in important cases, so Bukele hired her to be part of his legal team. She was the only woman in a group of several lawyers.

[Bertha]:Several of us lawyers had to be involved constantly, not only in criminal matters. That’s because, well, he has a very impulsive personality. He would get into trouble quite easily, so I represented him in three criminal proceedings, not only about the alleged cyberattack, but also for expressions of violence and defamation.

[Eliezer]:According to how Bertha describes work meetings, Nayib Bukele didn’t seem like someone especially concerned about the consequences of his actions.

[Bertha]: We would be making decisions and he would start talking, for example, about something that appeared on CSI, and, “Do you remember this? And what about that?” He was very unfocused and spent much of his time on Twitter.

[Silvia]:Bukele hated it when journalists tarnished the image of the perfect politician to which he dedicated so much energy and resources. And that became more evident as he acquired more power. The problem is that, by then, he already had a political resume, which meant more spotlights pointing at him. He couldn’t distract the press with marketing tricks like he did in Nuevo Cuscatlán. And he couldn’t stop the newspapers from researching his past.

[Bertha]: For example, there were publications about alleged corruption, about unauthorized construction in Nuevo Cuscatlán, or excessive charges for construction permits. So he wanted to put a stop to that noise. His interpretation was that those people knew he could be president and that was why they attacked and posted pieces against him every day.

[Eliezer]:Bukele was already thinking about the next office he wanted to occupy, and it made sense he wouldn’t want anyone looking back at yesterday’s promises. Because some of his achievements, after having been announced as a panacea and exploited for publicity, ended up falling apart or becoming new problems as he moved away.

[Silvia]:This is what happened with the Sívar app, which we mentioned a few minutes ago. Carlos told us that it ceased to exist because they couldn’t respond to citizen demand and the mayor’s office didn’t comply with the payment to suppliers. This also happened with the Cuscatlán market, his flagship project in the capital, which was about 5 million dollars in debt by the beginning of 2023 due to unpaid rent. And, finally, it happened to Nuevo Cuscatlán, the golden land where it all began.

[Eliezer]: Today, ten years after Bukele became mayor of the town, its communities still don’t have water 24/7. However, the town has become a destination for housing megaprojects and commercial areas for people with money who are driving out the poorest residents.

When Silvia and Gabriel went to Nuevo Cuscatlán, they visited a community that had managed to stop an eviction, but they still didn’t know what was going to happen to them. And they weren’t the only ones in that situation.

[Antonio Ortiz]: Let’s start with Finca Santa Elena, which is where we are. Here, 20 families are on the verge of eviction. Monseñor Romero has more than 80 families. La Cuartería is here. Also, Tomás Rodríguez.

[Silvia]: This is Antonio Ortíz, a 55-year-old settler on a farm called Santa Elena, where he’s lived since he was born. Antonio says that the New City Bukele has sold is basically make-believe.

[Antonio]:Far from what people proclaim, the great city, the new city, is a front. If you look at the façade, it looks new. But, from the inside, from the back, how are we? Bad.

[Silvia]:What lies between that façade of progress and the people behind it, Antonio says, is the same old inequality. And that hasn’t changed.

[Antonio]:They’re safe. They always have been. The rich man has always been safe. The one who’s unsafe is the poor. We’re the ones who are unsafe. Even if there are 10,000 soldiers around, we are always unsafe.There’s always that uncertainty. Why? Because there’s no land, there’s no water… You go out to work and you don’t know whether you’re going to come back because, out there, they can accuse you of something and take you away. And your family is left in limbo.

[Silvia]:When we asked him about everything Nayib Bukele had publicized about his achievements as mayor, Antonio remembered an article that came

out a while ago, in 2014. It’s called “A dream town in El Salvador” and was broadcasted by Univisión, one of the main Hispanic TV channels in the United States. The video, which can’t be described as anything other than an advertorial, can still be found on YouTube:

[Soundarchive, Primer Impacto]: In this town, people no longer think about emigrating north in search of the American dream. On the contrary, those who have left now want to come back to live in this paradise called Nuevo Cuscatlán.

[Antonio]:The new city, yes, everything is beautiful here. See how beautiful. Come live here. But you have to have 250,000 dollars to come here. And those who live here, who are native settlers of the farms, you have to take them out. Where’s what he promised? How has he helped the people? Now we are being pushed aside, removed from our native land. He practically forgot all the promises he made.

[Soundarchive,PrimerImpacto]: Some believe that Nayib Bukele aspires to be president, that this is all part of a political campaign. The mayor categorically denied it, while young people say that they see nothing wrong with it: if this is politics, I can say that it’s beautiful, because we’re all benefiting: children, young people, adults, and the elderly.

[Eliezer]: In the next episode…

TEASEREPISODE2

[Carlos Araujo]: The story was built by doing a lot of public opinion research to understand whether Salvadoran voters were mature enough for a third way to stand a chance, something that had never happened in this country.

[SilviaViñas]:And what did the surveys say?

[Carlos]:They said yes.

[GabrielLabrador]:He realizes that disappointment is final and that he has to take advantage of it.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: We will be in the elections seeking the Presidency of the Republic of El Salvador to truly change the country.

[Gabriel]: FMLN and ARENA believe they’re doing things well and that it’s just a matter of designing better campaigns, perhaps hiring one advisor or two, but no one saw the catastrophe that was coming. Or they didn’t want to accept it.

[Eliezer]:This series was made possible thanks to the support of the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting, Free Press Unlimited, Article 19 Mexico and Central America, the Foundation for Press Freedom (FLIP), and Dejusticia. Additionally, we appreciate FLIP for their advice and legal review, and Riesgo Cruzado for their valuable support in protection and security matters.

The producers and reporters of «Bukele: el señor de Los sueños» are Silvia Viñas and myself. Gabriel Labrador is our reporter and on-site producer. Desireé Yepez is our digital producer. Daniel Alarcón and Camila Segura are the editors. Carlos Dada is our editorial consultant. The data verifiers are Bruno Scelza and Desireé Yepez. Selene Mazón is our production assistant. The theme music, music, mixing, and sound design are by Elías González. The graphic design and art direction are by Diego Corzo. The web development is by Paola Ponce. Thanks to Jonathan Blitzer for his support.

«Bukele, el señor de Los sueños» is a podcast from Central, the series channel of Radio Ambulante Estudios.

From Radio Ambulante Studios, the product directors are Natalia Ramírez and Laura Rojas Aponte, with the assistance of Paola Alean. The audience and digital production team is formed by Samantha Proaño, Ana Pais, Analía Llorente, Melisa Rabanales. Press and community management is handled by Juan David Naranjo and Adriana Bernal.

Camilo Jiménez Santofimio is the director of alliances and financing. Carolina Guerrero is the executive producer of Central and the CEO of Radio Ambulante Estudios.

You can follow us on social media as centralpodcast RA and subscribe to our newsletter at centralpodcast.audio.

I am Eliezer Budasoff. Thank you for listening.

Credits

Reported and produced by: Silvia Viñas y Eliezer Budasoff

On-site reporting and production: Gabriel Labrador

Digital producer: Desireé Yepez

Editedby: Daniel Alarcón y Camila Segura

Editorial Consulting: Carlos Dada

Fact-checking: Bruno Scelza y Desirée Yépez 

Editorial assistant: Selene Mazón

Music and Sound Design: Elías González

Graphic Design and Art Direction: Diego Corzo

Translated by: María Jesús Zevallos

Episode 2. Move fast, break things

Episodio 2

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: Hello! Thank you all very much for allowing me to come into your homes. It really is a great honor.

[SilviaViñas]:It’s October 2017, and this is a breaking point for Nayib Bukele. What you just heard is the beginning of a video you can still find on his YouTube channel or his Facebook profile. Bukele is in his home, sitting on a gray sofa. He’s wearing a black long-sleeved t-shirt. There’s a table next to him with some books and a photo with his wife, those that couples take on vacation. Behind him is a bookshelf with a vintage Kodak camera, a chess board and more books, including the saga that inspired the HBO series Game of Thrones and one about financial investments. There’s also a Life magazine with the Kennedys on the cover.

[Eliezer Budasoff]: This is the video Bukele uses to announce he’s going to run for president. With a title like “The Decision,” one would expect that the first thing he’s going to say is he’s decided to run for president. But that doesn’t happen until minute 16. And we’re talking about a 20-minute video. For the most part, he talks about his departure from the FMLN party, with which he became mayor of Nuevo Cuscatlán and then San Salvador, the party where he began his political career.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: You all already know the events that have taken place in recent days, in recent weeks, that ended in my expulsion of what was, until a few days ago, my party, the FMLN.

[Silvia]:If you’re not Salvadorans, it’s likely you don’t know about the events he’s referring to. We’ll tell you about it in a few minutes. But even without knowing the details, it may seem strange that Bukele would dedicate more than two-thirds of such an important announcement to a party that just expelled him, and with which he’s not running for president. However, it makes sense, because this breakup will mark a before and after. It’s also part of a strategy, of a narrative that would become his hobbyhorse, and that he had already been rehearsing: he, like the rest of the Salvadorans, was a victim. Of the corruption and bad decisions of traditional parties. And, of course, the solution to this was for him to reach the height of power: the presidency.

[Archive soundbite,Nayib Bukele]: We will be seeking the Presidency of the Republic of El Salvador in the next election in order to truly change the country. Not “change it” like they promised to us in 2009 or in 2014. Or, as I’m sure, ARENA said in the 20 years they governed. No, I mean really change it, change it together, with the people.

[Silvia]:This is The Man from Los Sueños, a podcast from Radio Ambulante Studios. I’m Silvia Viñas.

[Eliezer]:And I’m Eliezer Budasoff. Episode 2: Move fast, break things.

Nayib Bukele’s break with the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, the FMLN, is a key point in the story of his arrival to the presidency. It’s also important because it shows a double narrative, something we’re going to see again and again: two different faces at decisive moments. On one hand, there’s what he shows outwardly, which sometimes seems a little impulsive. On the other, there’s what he weaves behind: carefully planned movements to get what he wants.

This breakup began to take shape while the FMLN was going through a good moment in terms of power. Let us remember that, since 2015, this was the party that led the San Salvador mayor’s office, the most important in the country, with Bukele himself as mayor.

[Gabriel Labrador]: The FMLN was a great party during the years of the presidency and such, so they were in good spirits.

[Eliezer]:This is Salvadoran journalist Gabriel Labrador. He works for El Faro newspaper covering politics, and is the author of the most thorough profile there is on Bukele. You heard him in the previous episode, and he’ll continue to be our main guide through this story.

The FMLN was in its second consecutive government, first with Mauricio Funes and then with Salvador Sánchez Cerén, who won the election in 2014.

[Gabriel]: But everything changes when this whole issue of the presidential election begins to appear on the horizon.

[Eliezer]:Gabriel explained to us that it’s normal for a party like the FMLN to already have its candidate about two years before the presidential election.

[Gabriel]:So halfway through his term as mayor, Bukele starts doing his thing, right? Presenting himself as a charmingboy.And well, basically convincing people he wants to be a candidate.

[Silvia]:It could sound conflicting: he supported the movement and, at the same time, he began to position himself as a critic. Carlos Araujo, who worked with Nayib when he was mayor of San Salvador and whom we heard in the previous episode, remembers this moment well. Carlos was part of a first group of trust with Bukele that assessed his electoral prospects. Karim Bukele, one of his brothers, was also there, and Carlos saw this up close.

[Carlos Araujo]: There was this rhetoric device of selling him as young, as new. Though not married to its ideology, but close to this government, he was going to add an element of modernity to the FMLN to try to get a third presidential

term. That’s how he sold it; that’s how he dealt with the FMLN leaders. Until he got to the point where he sat down with the FMLN leaders and told them what he wanted, and they said no. They told him that, in their opinion, he was still very young, and that he should help them consolidate this third term with another FMLN candidate. The term after that would be his turn.

[Silvia]:This is when, Carlos says, Bukele begins to build a story to leave the FMLN.

[Carlos]: That story was concocted by doing a lot of public opinion research to understand whether Salvadoran voters were mature enough for a third alternative to stand a chance, something that had never happened in this country.

[Silvia]:And what did the surveys say?

[CarlosAraujo]:They said yes.

[Silvia]: Carlos remembers the surveys showing that, if Bukele was the FMLN’s candidate, the party would win. When they removed him and put him in a new party, he would still win.

[Carlos]:So he starts doing things to annoy the FMLN. Part of what was discussed was provoking the FMLN to expel him, and victimize himself even more. In other words, no, that expulsion didn’t happen by chance. Those provocations were precisely so that the FMLN would fall into a trap. And it fell.

[Eliezer]: Now, perhaps you’re wondering why Bukele didn’t just resign from the FMLN. In other words, besides taking advantage of the moment to victimize himself… why would he spend time and energy provoking his departure? Well, the reason was – also – legal: if he wanted to run for president with another party, he couldn’t quit the one he already belonged to.

[Gabriel]:If he resigns, the law prevents him from participating in another party because then he becomes a turncoat, something punished by law here.

So he has to seek self-expulsion. And then a real show of provocation begins, off-color phrases, posts on social media.

[Eliezer]: There are many examples. So many that it took us a bit to choose the most illustrative one. But to give you an idea: at the end of 2016, he accused the FMLN government, on Facebook, of swindling the most vulnerable, and of co-governing with right-wing party ARENA. On Twitter, his favorite social media outlet, he complained about the obstacles placed on him as mayor of San Salvador. At the end, he included then-president Sanchez Cerén’s username, as if to say, “Take charge, this is for you.”

[Gabriel]:Comments and insults directed to party leadership, to the president.

[Silvia]: And then two key moments happen in September 2017 that speed up everything. The first was within the mayor’s office of San Salvador, where the FMLN governed together with Bukele. And, although he criticized them, it was still his party.

[Gabriel]:Nayib Bukele realizes that there’s a fight in the FMLN that he can take advantage of. It happened at a Municipal Council session. He wants votes for some municipal works. However, FMLN councilors, upset by Nayib’s separatist attitude, which is also very critical and leaves them aside, decide to rebel. He then, frustrated, suspends the council session and, as he walks away towards the exit, he throws an apple at one of his FMLN right-hand people, Xochitl Marchelli.

[BerthaDeleón]:According to her, he throws an apple at her and tells her to eat it, calling her a witch. That’s a totally immature, childish act.

[Silvia]:This is lawyer Bertha Deleón, whom we also heard in the first episode of this series. She knows the incident well, because she later defended Bukele in this case. The councilor he allegedly threw the apple at, Xochitl Marchelli, later filed a complaint with the Prosecutor’s Office against Bukele for this. But, at the time it happened, there were several versions, and it’s difficult to determine which one is closest to what really happened.

[Gabriel]:There were arguments about whether the apple was, in fact, a projectile directed at her violently. Others say that he just slid the apple on the table, some others that it was, in fact, an attack, etc.

[Silvia]: The important thing here is that this incident became one of the FMLN’s justifications used to expel him from the party. Bukele has denied he verbally or physically attacked Marchelli.

[Eliezer]:The other moment that sped up his departure also happened in September 2017, while Bukele was in the United States, for a presentation of the San Salvador municipal ballet in Washington.

[Gabriel]:In one of those meetings, he says, “El Salvador doesn’t have a president right now. Where is the President?”

[Eliezer]: The sound isn’t the best, but this is the video – just a few seconds long – that was shared on Facebook:

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]: El Salvador doesn’t have a president. When Mauricio Funes was there, we had a bad president, but at least there was one. Now there’s no president.

[Eliezer]: He’s referring to then president Salvador Sánchez Cerén. And he’s not just any politician. He was one of five FMLN general commanders. He led the largest army during the war. In other words, Bukele was directing all his criticism at the head of the party, the commander. It was a declaration of war.

[Gabriel]:That phrase causes a lot of pain, a lot of anger, a lot of rage and resentment to the party’s hardline militants. There are some FMLN leaders who try to calm the waters, but the party is already abuzz. He knows what he’s doing, though. Bukele knows that with this he’s contributing to something. At that moment, the party leadership calls its members to meetings at the national level, they play audio recordings of Nayib speaking in the United States, and then announce they’re going to separate.

[Archive soundbite newscast]: The FMLN Ethics Court expelled the mayor of San Salvador, Nayib Bukele, after a hearing that lasted over 18 hours.

[Silvia]: The party had opened a disciplinary process against him and, in October 2017, a month after the incidents, they expelled him. They accused him of, among other things, violating party rules and defaming the president and other members of the FMLN. But not only that. Let’s not forget the apple. As we said, Councilor Marchelli sued him before the Prosecutor’s Office. And, according to the party’s Ethics Court, what Bukele did was, and I quote, «disrespect of the human rights of women.»

[Bertha]: So that’s why they expelled him in the end, because they accused him of being a misogynist. They never accuse him of corruption. I mean, I don’t think the reason for his expulsion is a minor matter, but let’s say it doesn’t correspond to what the FMLN now says they knew about him.

[Silvia]:Now there are members of the party who resent that Bukele saw them only as a step in the political ladder. But, at that time, although they didn’t want him in the presidency and his criticisms were increasingly uncomfortable, the reality was that Bukele was one of their stars. So these were the arguments they found to expel him with: things that had to do with his behavior, not with the FMLN itself. They could victimize themselves. But so could Bukele. That’s why it worked for him. Also, his criticism of the party mirrored what many Salvadorans were feeling.

[Eliezer]: Back in October 2017, the FMLN had already been in the presidency for over eight years.

[Gabriel Labrador]:The wear and tear was beginning to show, a lot. There was also the passive attitude the FMLN had in considering the changes would speak for themselves and thinking propaganda wasn’t that important, when the other side had a communications beast like Nayib Bukele taking advantage of that, using it to undermine the FMLN, and to also hit the contending parties.

[Eliezer]:The thing is that ARENA, the traditional right-wing party, suffered from the same disease as the FMLN.

[Gabriel]:If one gets sick, the other gets sick, immediately, with the same illness. And the illness that afflicted these two parties back then was the deep wear and tear, the disenchantment of the people, the hatred that began to accumulate – or manifest itself – for cases of corruption. Neither ARENA nor the FMLN had shown tangible changes.

[Eliezer]: Also because, for decades, El Salvador had been immersed in a deep security crisis. In 2015, gangs made it the country with the most homicides per hundred thousand people in Latin America and the Caribbean. And no government had been able to solve it. We should also consider the lack of economic growth. In 2017, a third of the population lived in poverty.

[Silvia]: Less than a week after his expulsion from the party, in the video we heard at the beginning, Bukele announces he would run for president. 10 days later, he publishes another video on social media, where this narrative of wear and tear is already the protagonist. Once freed from the FMLN, he can now present himself as a political outsider and, at the same time, part of the people: another Salvadoran fed up with traditional parties, which, in the video, he calls electoral machines at the service of the oligarchies.

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]: We’re fed up with the two major political parties, we’re fed up with the two-party system, we’re fed up with the partisanship. We are fed up with ARENA and the FMLN.

[CarlosAraujo]:He was fed up with traditional politics…

[Silvia]:Again, Carlos Araujo:

[Carlos]: He talked about the democratic game of the FMLN and ARENA, and how a balanced Legislative Assembly ended up obstructing any results.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: 85% of the population doesn’t support any of the specific traditional majority parties. That means 85% of the population is being forced, with our tax money, to finance a political party that doesn’t represent us and that we don’t want to support.

[Carlos]:He became an avenger, the hero who would avenge citizens from those bad politicians who hadn’t solved their problems. He took on that role, and he, being a good publicist, definitely played it very well.

[Silvia]:This is a very important moment, because, as we saw in the previous episode, his desire for revenge was, at the beginning, an apparent driving force behind his jump into politics. Now, it was connected to the desire for revenge of many Salvadorans. The reasons why Bukele and other citizens want revenge may not be the same. But they have a common enemy. And now they have a savior.

[Eliezer]: In the same video he released 10 days after announcing he would run for president, we also see what we were talking about at the beginning: how behind his movements there is a calculation that is not so evident at first glance. Bukele was already preparing the ground for what was to come: a complicated campaign towards the presidency. He uses a saying that you may know: a single swallow doesn’t make it summer, but, he says, millions of swallows do.

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]: Because you can get rid of a swallow; whether it’s me or a candidacy, they could easily eliminate me. They have already made up several ridiculous lawsuits against me. I’m sure they can come up with another four or five.

[Eliezer]:This is all a preview, almost a warning. They can prevent him from registering as a candidate, he says. Or perhaps they’ll try to disqualify him. He even talks about the possibility of more… dramatic situations.

[Archive soundbite, NayibBukele]: They can put me in prison, they can kill me, etc. But they can’t do that with millions of swallows. They can’t prevent millions of Salvadorans from wanting their country to change.

[Silvia]:And, after warning that the path to the presidency will be difficult, Bukele presents, in that video, the movement he’s launching his candidacy with.

[Gabriel]:He describes it as a great citizens’ movement. Where “the people” will be able to participate directly in politics like never before, because neither ARENA nor the FMLN gave them true participation, only using them, etc.

[Silvia]:Bukele says this will be a movement without a general secretary, without hierarchies, where you can say and do whatever you want. Without naming them, he refers to his expulsion from the FMLN. Again, to say: we’re not like them.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: If you want to post something on Facebook citing something I said or in favor of something I said, well, I thank you very much for that. But if you want to criticize me, you can do so too, because in a real and horizontal movement there are no leaders. No one can be expelled by an ethics court for criticizing someone.

[Silvia]:But, in order for this movement to have an identity and for everyone to feel part of it, he says, he gave it a name:

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: We wanted to call our movement Nuevas Ideas (New Ideas).

[Silvia]:The name of the movement wasn’t a new idea. This is the subtitle of the book his father wrote, ClarifyingConceptsinPhysics:NewIdeasand Answers. It’s also how he named his platform for mayor of San Salvador. In any case, Bukele gives two reasons for the name:

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]: First, because we need new ideas. Second, because this way we’ll have an identity that will unite us in some way. Through our differences, and in our diversity, we’ll unite under this name: Nuevas Ideas.

[Eliezer]:If what Bukele says about his movement sounds generic, or vague, that’s because it is. The video doesn’t shed much light on the ideology of Nuevas Ideas. He doesn’t talk about what specific policies he’s going to promote. It’s clear his campaign flag is being different from the traditional parties. Once again, Carlos Araujo:

[Carlos]: When I describe him as a populist leader, it’s precisely that. He has no ideology; he adapts to whatever role suits him at that moment.

[Eliezer]:In the video, Bukele says the movement will only have two rules. Again, pretty… generic. The first is for its members to want the best for the country.

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]: It’s easy, right? And the second is for us all to think about adding, not taking.

[Gabriel]: He avoids talking about the issue. It’s a political party, but he insists a lot on the idea of a civic citizen movement. Very much a populist style, right? That is, talking about the people taking power.

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]: We’re Salvadorans who are fed up with them, and we are much stronger than them, and we are many more in number. And although we don’t have their resources, we don’t need them. We have the strength of the Salvadoran people.

[Silvia]:We’ll be back after the break.

[Dejusticia]: Defending democracy and human rights in Latin America requires many hands. Threats such as authoritarianism, the closing of democratic spaces, corruption, and bad governance continue to frustrate the possibility of a dignified life without discrimination. At Dejusticia, we combine research,

activism, litigation, training, advocacy, and strategic communication to collaboratively confront these and other threats in Latin America and the Global South. Our actions include solidarity programs for human rights defenders at risk, such as our scholarship program for activists from the Global South. Learn about our work at www.dejusticia.org and follow us on our social media @dejusticia.

[Silvia]:We’re back. A few months after announcing that he was running for president, Bukele had a golden opportunity to take the temperature of political sentiments and reinforce his narrative of being fed up: the 2018 legislative and municipal elections. At that time, let us remember, he was already out of the FMLN. But Nuevas Ideas wasn’t yet an official party with which he could run in elections. It was a growing movement, but it wasn’t officially registered. So Bukele decided to promote a different type of campaign: he began to call on people to present a null or blank ballot, or, simply, not to vote.

[Gabriel]: He assumes people’s discontent, their anger and disappointment, and says he’s not going to compete. But, he also says, it’s a good idea to demonstrate and punish the traditional political forces: vote null.

[Silvia]: Bukele wasn’t the only one promoting the null vote. There were people on social media and traditional media talking about the idea as an expression of rejection of traditional parties. But Bukele was, indeed, a key character.

[Gabriel]:And, of course, in 2018, in the March 2018 election, the two major parties continued to reign in the political ecosystem, but the downsizing is drastic.

[Silvia]: The traditional parties won deputies and mayors, but this time they did so with fewer votes than in previous elections. And the null vote, on the contrary, skyrocketed. Never before in the democratic history of the country had so many Salvadorans chosen that option. El Faro newspaper, where Gabriel works, made the calculation: if the null vote were a party, it would have won six congress seats, which would make it the fifth-largest political force during that term.

[Gabriel]:It was a specific sign that, if Bukele made a call, there was a good chance people would respond and decide to follow that narrative.

[Silvia]:It was a perfect scenario for him: he had presented himself as just another Salvadoran, fed up with traditional parties. He called on people to spoil their votes to show that discontent. And they listened to him. There was no longer any doubt that everything was ready for Bukele’s arrival to the presidency.

[Eliezer]:Now, presenting himself with a new party wasn’t so simple. Several steps required by electoral law had to be followed, which takes time. And, Gabriel says, Bukele was well advised enough to know this.

[Gabriel]:When Nayib launches Nuevas Ideas, he and his advisors already knew. These people are very knowledgeable of electoral issues, so they knew they wouldn’t be able to participate in the presidential election with Nuevas Ideas.

[Eliezer]: They just didn’t have the time. They had less than a month to establish themselves as a party. But, facing his followers, Bukele insisted that anything was possible. Deadlines didn’t matter. With the support of all of them, they could achieve it. This is Bukele announcing the beginning of the official creation of the party:

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]: Usually, parties take between 3, 4 or 5 months to get 50,000 signatures. Well, we have planned that, in three days…

[Gabriel]:He had to show muscle. He had to show that he had a lot of people with him.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele]: In three days, we’re going to get 200,000 signatures.

[Gabriel]:That is something that, to the politicians of yesteryear, to traditional politicians, sounded like, “What is this kid saying?” No party had the machinery to do it. But Nayib, having taken measurements back in the 2018 election, had already shown his message resonated. He just had to carry, once again, the disenchantment flag, and hit his two big foes, ARENA and the FMLN. With that, he thought he would be fine.

[Eliezer]:At the end of April, when the deadline to register as a party to run for president had passed, they dedicated a weekend to collecting signatures. And did so in a big way. They set up 25 points throughout the country where people could go to sign.

[Gabriel]:And of course, he got the signatures.

[Eliezer]: And he announced it to his followers in a square in San Salvador’s city center, through a megaphone.

[Archivesoundbite,Nayib Bukele]: I want to announce to all the Salvadoran people that we just got 200,000 signatures.

[Audience]:Nayib! Nayib! Nayib!

[Eliezer]: It was an achievement, without a doubt. Bukele showed he had a lot of support. But in practical and legal terms, it was of no use. It was already too late; the deadline had passed. And clearly, it was a setup. Because they knew they didn’t have enough time, while Bukele and his team staged this entire show with the registration of the party and the signatures, they negotiated under the table to present themselves for another party that could compete.

[Silvia]:But it wasn’t that simple. After trying out some small parties, he ended up allying himself with Cambio Democrático, which was disqualified a month after they made their alliance with Bukele public. This disqualification had real, full-fledged reasons. The party had not met electoral law requirements. But Bukele sold his followers the idea that this was another sign they would make his life impossible because they didn’t want him to come to power.

Lawyer Bertha Deleón recognizes that, although she is now very critical of him, there were several attempts to prevent Bukele’s candidacy. Bertha gave us, as an example, the case we mentioned in the previous episode: the newspaper parodies that circulated on the internet, La Prensa Gráfica and El Diario de Hoy. Since it was discovered that Bukele was involved, there was very intense media coverage, to such a level that those newspapers called it «the cyberattack case.» But it was really about parodies and brand impersonation.

[Bertha]:So what did that do? It had the opposite effect. They made him a victim, “Poor thing, they want to set a trap for him. They don’t want him to reach the top.” You see? It’s not just… Some people would say, “Oh, but he’s a genius.” I mean, there are also a bunch of idiots who put it on a silver platter for him.

[Silvia]: Either way, Bukele had options, and he ended up getting a party to run with: GANA, Grand Alliance for National Unity. A fairly young right-wing political group – it was less than 10 years old at that time. But it hadn’t come out of nowhere. It’s a branch that split off from the traditional right-wing party, ARENA. It had supporters, offices in all towns, and a structure. It also had a pretty bad reputation.

[Gabriel]:Nayib decides to join them, assuming the costs of being linked to a party recognized as corrupt. GANA doesn’t have a good image; it doesn’t have that appeal for the reasoned vote. It’s a party known to be linked to drug trafficking, with Congresspeople who stole. Nayib decides to go with it because he knows his popularity is bigger and can justify it. And the way to justify it is, “Look at the journey I had to go through and the court wouldn’t let me. I have no other choice.”

[Eliezer]:In other words, Bukele allied himself with a party that represented everything he had been criticizing, right? And how did GANA react? Was he well received despite all that?

[GabrielLabrador]:Yes, he was.

[Archivesoundbite,followers]:You feel it, you feel it, President Nayib!

[Journalist]:Surrounded by controversy due to the last-minute registration of Nayib Bukele, supporters of the GANA party ratified its ticket to seek the presidency in 2019.

[GabrielLabrador]:I’m guessing GANA must have celebrated a lot that night when the alliance was made, because they welcomed it. They gave in completely; they decided to change their colors, from orange to cyan. GANA didn’t seem to have a problem giving up its history, its identity and culture. And the party gives itself to the project. Everyone seemed very happy with him. But there is division, in fact. The one who doesn’t want GANA is Bukele. He shows up and tells them, “Thank you very much, but I’m the one in charge here. I’m the star. I decide what to do. So you guys will do what I say.” And there’s nothing that can be done. The party leadership, those old political foxes, know that that is how it works. Where a captain rules, a sailor has no sway. And that’s how it was.

[Silvia]:The presidential campaign officially began on October 2, 2018. We contacted several of his advisors to tell us about his strategies, but they didn’t answer. However, as we have already said, Bukele started with several advantages. He had already shown that he understood the culture of being tired of it all, and that he had enormous popular support. He also understood the impact of social media. According to Gabriel, he’s never seen a candidate who used them so intensely, with a presence on all of them: YouTube, Facebook, Twitter. Bukele’s rivals used this to say his support wasn’t real, that it came from fake accounts, from artificially invented hashtags.

[Gabriel]:The traditional parties continued to say that in public. I don’t know whether they really believed it. Maybe they just wanted to give a little confidence to their own supporters. In any case, Bukele also campaigns in large traditional media: radio, television, printed newspapers, and, like everyone else, with a lot of money. He received many, many campaign contributions

that, of course, he has never revealed. He’s never wanted to say who his donors are.

[Silvia]: Although he’s never provided financial information, the organization Acción Ciudadana has found some clues about the financing of his first presidential campaign.

[Eliezer]: For example, they revealed that GANA obtained 1 million dollars from a construction company during that campaign. When Bukele was already president, the company won a bid to work on the cargo terminal at the San Salvador airport. The amount exceeded 60 million dollars. In other words, they donated a million and earned, at least, 50 times that. A lucrative business.

[Silvia]: But this wasn’t known until later. During the campaign, financing was a mystery. And it didn’t seem to be something that worried his followers much.

The polls put him as the favorite, as the candidate who was going to change history and break with the two-party system in the country. For almost three decades, since the end of the civil war in El Salvador and the return of democracy, the presidency had only been occupied by leaders of ARENA or the FMLN, who dominated national political life. During the presidential race, Gabriel told us, the polls were a big issue, because the reaction of more traditional academics and political scientists was to question them.

[Gabriel]:They said that, if ARENA and the FMLN had been governing for 30 years, it would be impossible for anyone else to reverse that. They also said Nayib was a troll candidate who had no real supporters. He also has no ideology, and has surrounded himself with corrupt people. So they attacked him a lot and actually had arguments. But what they didn’t realize was that he had already connected with the people, and with the disenchanted voter who had never felt identified with any political project in his life.

[Silvia]:He managed to seduce those who felt marginalized, excluded.

[GabrielLabrador]:He was a democrat at that moment. He professed many democratic values, such as accountability.

[Silvia]:That is, he not only convinced those who are generally not interested in politics, but also those who traditionally go to vote.

[Archivesoundbite,media]

[Medium 1]: Calmly but tensely, this is how Salvadorans await the results of the presidential election.

[Medium2]:The desire for change is embodied, for a large part of society, by Nayib Bukele. At only 37 years old, the former mayor of San Salvador leads all the polls and could exceed 50% of the votes necessary to avoid a runoff election.

[Archivesoundbite,pressconference]:Nayib! Nayib! Nayib!

[Eliezer]:On February 3, 2019, after the polls closed, Bukele held a press conference in a small private room. It was before the official results were given. In other words, what you’re hearing now is from a place where, it’s assumed, only his campaign team and journalists were present. Bukele gets on stage, wearing his jeans and leather jacket. After 30 seconds of applause and shouts, he takes out his cell phone, and turns around.

[Archivesoundbite,pressconference]:The selfie. [Eliezer]:And he takes a selfie. The audience explodes. [Archivesoundbite,pressconference]:[Screams]

[Eliezer]:Bukele says that, two hours earlier, they had already got results that marked a clear trend in their favor, and they were tempted to make them public. But they waited a while to have what he called a “mathematically irreversible result,” and also to see whether his opponents would come out and

concede the victory to him. But as time passed, and it wasn’t happening, he decided to make the announcement himself.

[Archivesoundbite,pressconference,Bukele]:Yes, we could.

[Sympathizer]:Thank God!

[NayibBukele]:We can announce with complete certainty that we have won the presidency of the Republic of El Salvador… in the first round!

[Eliezer]:He won with 53% of the votes. And the traditional parties collapsed. The FMLN had the worst result in its entire democratic history, and ARENA lost 60% of its voters. It was a resounding, historic victory. And Bukele was going to make sure that would be how his arrival to power was felt.

We’ll be back after the break.

[DanielAlarcón]:The production company behind «Bukele, el señor de los sueños» is Radio Ambulante Estudios. And we have two other podcasts you should listen to. Every Tuesday, we release Radio Ambulante. Stories of families, migration, adventure, and love. And every Friday, we release El hilo, where we cover and thoroughly explain an impactful news story from Latin America. Look for Radio Ambulante and El hilo on your preferred podcast app.

[Eliezer]:We’re back.

[Gabriel]: This is the cathedral… This is it, the Plaza Barrios. Nayib was inaugurated over there.

[Silvia]: When I went to tour San Salvador’s historic center, in mid-2023, Gabriel showed me the place where Bukele was proclaimed the country’s president. It’s a large square in front of the National Palace.

[Gabriel]: The stage for the transfer of command was set up there. For the first time, the transfer of power event was held here in downtown, and, well,

Bukele did it on purpose so that, when Congresspeople entered, the people, as a natural reaction, would shout at them, call them thieves and corrupt. And that’s how it happened. In the official transmission of the transfer of power, you can hear the screams.

[Archive soundbite, presenter]:We begin this solemn session with the entry of the honorable Legislative Assembly.

[Audience]:Booo.

[Gabriel]:Insulting the deputies and such is part of what Bukele wanted to provoke.

[Archivesoundbite,audience]:Out, out, out!

[Silvia]: Usually, Gabriel told us, the transfer events had been in closed convention centers with restricted access. Always with an audience, but none like this.

[Gabriel]:So that event… I remember being there, listening to the screams, the shouting, the insults to traditional politicians. I also remember how people idolized Nayib, screaming at him, telling him, “We are with you, Nayib.”

[Archivesoundbite,audience]:Nayib, Nayib, Nayib!

[Gabriel]:There was a military aircraft show. And that makes me feel… in hindsight, it is like a sign of what was to come, right? That show was not only of paraphernalia, but also of the use of the army for political purposes.

[Archivesoundbite,NayibBukele]: Before starting, I want to make a special mention of the illustrious guests we have here today. I’m referring to each and every one of the Salvadorans here, in this square, and those who see us through the media.

[Silvia]: Bukele’s speech lasted about 25 minutes. What you just heard is the beginning. That day, he says, begins the new history they’re going to write together: Bukele and the people.

[Gabriel]:He also says something about El Salvador being like a sick child during his speech.

[Archive soundbite, NayibBukele,inauguration]:It’s like a sick child. Now it’s up to all of us to take care of it.

[Gabriel]: One who must be given medicine. And, at some point, all medicine is horrible. It hurts.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele, inauguration]: It’s now everyone’s turn to take some bitter medicine. Now it’s everyone’s turn to suffer a little. It’s now up to all of us to have a little pain, to assume our responsibility, as brothers, to help this child prosper, who is our family, our country, El Salvador.

[Gabriel]:And then I realized that he’s actually assuming, for the first time in his entire campaign, and in all these months, that things won’t be so easy.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele, inauguration]: And yes, there will be hard moments. There will be difficult times, but we will make those decisions bravely.

[Gabriel]: In other words, all the pretty things he promised during the campaign, that he’s going to transform the country and that they’re going to work and dedicate themselves to the country from day 1… He slows things down and says: “Look, it’s not going to be that easy. The remedy is going to be bitter.”

[Silvia]: In this speech, Bukele also shows a sense of parental guidance, which, Gabriel says, is a feature of his governing style: the harsh father who says he hits you because he loves you. Because he wants to protect you. Because it’s for your own good.

[Gabriel]:All policies have that pattern. On top of that, his wife, Gabriela, is pregnant during that event. So he shows his wife… It’s all a dance of symbols that they handle almost perfectly.

[Eliezer]: Between bitter medicine and fatherhood, Bukele begins his presidency by presenting himself, indeed, as a severe father. And he does it in public, so that everyone can see how he imposes discipline. Once in power, he used his favorite social media outlet, Twitter, to announce his decisions: “Such minister is ordered to remove such official.”

[Gabriel]: I was questioning how legal this is. I mean, Twitter is not a source of law, but it seems like he was doing it that way.

[Eliezer]:He wasn’t the first president to use Twitter that way. Donald Trump had already done it. For example, he fired his Secretary of State on Twitter a year earlier, in 2018. Bertha, who is a legal expert, wrote to Bukele to warn him that that way of announcing such delicate issues could get him into trouble. She said to him:

[Bertha]:“I don’t rule out that these people you are humiliating on Twitter could sue for moral damages. So, since I’ve already predicted things that happened to you many times, I’m telling you not to do that.” His replies would simply be, “Oh, what a party pooper.” Or things like, “We’ll figure out how to fix it later.”

[Gabriel]: Things like that would actually take his own cabinet by surprise. They had to execute those decisions no matter what, and no one had told them they would have to do that. So the joke was, “If you don’t have Twitter, they’re going to fire you in two days.” Because the ministers’ response was, “As you wish, Mr. President,” “Right away, President Bukele.” But it wasn’t that surprising to me because I knew he was a man of technology and social media.

[Silvia]: It’s part of his image: the millennial president who does things differently, who uses new technologies…

[Gabriel]:In those days, when he starts becoming news on Twitter, he knows he has to keep feeding that. So he and his team know he has to continue making headlines, so he changes his bio to describe himself as “The world’s coolest president.”

[Silvia]: And in September, just a few months into his mandate, Bukele tried to project this image on an international stage: the UN.

[Archive soundbite, UN]: The General Assembly will hear a speech by Mr. His Excellency Nayib Armando Bukele, President of the Republic of El Salvador.

[Gabriel]: He arrives at the UN, in New York, on his first visit as president. And they give him the floor. He takes the podium.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele at the UN]: I’m pleased to address you from this forum for the first time.

[Gabriel]:And he says hello. “Good morning, everyone, your excellencies. Allow me a moment.”

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele at the UN]: Now just a second, if you allow me…

[Gabriel]: And he takes out his cell phone from his jacket, a high-end iPhone, I don’t know what number it was. And he decides to pose for a selfie. He even takes a few seconds and smiles, and wants the UN logo to appear on the photo.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele at the UN]: The world, the new world, is no longer in this General Assembly, but in the place where this photo will go, to the largest network in the world.

[Gabriel]:And all that is done before the eyes of millions. I was like, “Man, this will make headlines all over the world. And we will become an eccentric

country, led by the eccentric Bukele.” And it certainly was so. That was like a manifestation of what was to come.

[Archive soundbite, Nayib Bukele at the UN]: Believe me, many more people will see this selfie than will hear this speech.

[Eliezer]: Gabriel believes that, for Bukele, the digital world was a place that he had to govern. And, in those first months of his mandate, he continued tweeting against the traditional parties. But now there was a new battlefield: the Legislative Assembly.

[Gabriel]: What happens is that the parties use their institutional political influence to try to undermine Bukele. I mean, that’s what they’ve always done, right? Let’s say I’m ARENA, and I try to utilize Congress. So my deputies try to block the FMLN, and vice versa. Then they, adopting a role as the opposition, begin to block Bukele in Congress. So he starts to realize – or perhaps he already knew – that Congress was going to be a big stumbling block.

[LeonardoBonilla]:From the very beginning of the Bukele government, I basically positioned myself as an opponent.

[Eliezer]: This is Leonardo Bonilla. He was a Congressman between 2018 and 2021. He’s the first and only independent legislator that has existed in the history of El Salvador. Leonardo had seen Bukele’s behavior since his beginnings as mayor of Nuevo Cuscatlán and says he realized that, by his way of acting, his decisions and the way he spoke, his intentions were always to become president.

[Leonardo]:He seemed too ambitious, so he didn’t feel trustworthy to me. However, I’ve always been a democrat and I refrained from commenting on what I personally believed about Nayib Bukele, because I could be wrong. Bukele ended up being president and, from the first days, I began to see that what I thought of him was becoming a reality: an egocentric, manipulative person. A dictator, right?

[Silvia]: We wanted to understand what the blockade of Bukele at the Assembly was like in those first months of his presidency. And both Leonardo and Gabriel told us about a particular initiative that caused a lot of friction. So much so that it would end up triggering the first public display of Bukele’s authoritarianism.

[Leonardo]:Bukele had been pushing for a 109-million-dollar loan to invest in security.

[Gabriel]:In his first months, he decides to promote the issue of combating gangs with his supposed Territorial Control Plan.

[Silvia]: That plan has never been officially detailed. What is known is that it has seven phases, which Bukele has been revealing, little by little, without giving many details. Back then, less was known about this initiative. We are talking about the second half of 2019.

[Gabriel]:So Bukele says: “I need money to buy weapons, to equip the poor soldiers, to give better uniforms and cars to police officers. And I need to protect Salvadorans. So anyone who opposes this loan is in favor of gangs killing Salvadorans.” It’s a very simplistic rhetoric and, furthermore, it greatly stigmatizes the opposition. Because what the opposition wanted, back then, was accountability.

[Silvia]: It was a loan that would be added to the country’s external debt, which was already quite high. So the opposition was justified in wanting to know, in more detail than the government gave, in which areas the money was going to be invested. Why the urgency? And why would this security plan work, when all others had failed before?

[Gabriel]:In other words, a well-made plan. And of course, Bukele didn’t have one.

[Leonardo]: Those funds would probably have been approved if he had approached it through another means.

[Silvia]:Had he searched for dialogue, for example.

[Leonardo]: But I personally believe that his idea was to remove the Legislative Assembly as a whole from the discussion.

[Silvia]:That is, Bukele portrayed them as a single group, which serves no purpose other than opposing him, instead of deputies from different parties, with different ideologies.

[Leonardo]:And that was the excuse he used to say that Congresspeople wouldn’t give him anything.

[Silvia]:Bukele was governing with an Assembly that was in the hands of the traditional parties, ARENA and FMLN. There were few Congressmen on his side. Without a majority in the Assembly, he had two options: either negotiate or declare war on them. Bukele chose war.

[Leonardo]:And he began to pressure the Assembly in an undemocratic way.

[Gabriel]:Bukele then announces he’s going to pressure the Assembly, and calls on Salvadorans to meet outside the Legislative Assembly on Sunday, February 9, so they can pressure.

[Eliezer]:Pressure legislators to approve the loan. But he not only summoned his followers. He also called on Congresspeople for an extraordinary session.

[Leonardo Bonilla]: He summoned the Assembly out of a whim; he manipulated the constitutional interpretation to say he had the power to do so. So, he summoned them in this irregular way, using the excuse of the 109-million-dollar loan, since it supposedly was an urgent matter for the country.

[LeonardoBonilla]:When constitutional scholars and others analyzed the situation, we reached the conclusion that the president didn’t have the power

to call a plenary session, at least not at that time and not under those circumstances. The Constitution gives him that power only under a state of emergency or calamity. I knew there was unconstitutionality in it, but nothing prohibited me from attending, nor did I think that, by going, I was endorsing this call. So I decided to go and find out what was happening.

[Silvia]:What happened that day raised the threshold for what Salvadorans could endure. It was Bukele’s first major public display of authoritarianism. A sign of what was to come, and a demonstration of what he’s willing to do to get what he wants.

In the next episode…

[Archivesoundbite,BukeleoutsidetheAssembly]:I promised during the campaign that if we had to march to the Legislative Assembly, we would march to the Legislative Assembly.

[Archivesoundbite,newscast]:The president of El Salvador, Nayib Bukele, broke into Congress this Sunday, escorted by heavily armed police and military personnel.

[Archive soundbite, Bukele inside theAssembly]:With all humility, you know it, the entire Salvadoran people know it, our adversaries know it. The international community knows it. Our Armed Forces know it. Our National Civil Police knows it. All the de facto powers in the country know it. If we wanted to press the button, we would just press the button.

[Eliezer]:This series was made possible thanks to the support of the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting, Free Press Unlimited, Article 19 Mexico and Central America, the Foundation for Press Freedom (FLIP), and Dejusticia. Additionally, we appreciate FLIP for their advice and legal review, and Riesgo Cruzado for their valuable support in protection and security matters.

The producers and reporters of «Bukele: el señor de Los sueños» are Silvia Viñas and me. Gabriel Labrador is our reporter and on-site producer. Desireé

Yépez is our digital producer. Daniel Alarcón and Camila Segura are our editors. Carlos Dada is our editorial consultant. The fact-checkers are Bruno Scelza and Desireé Yepez. Selene Mazón is the production assistant. The music, mixing, and sound design are by Elías González. The graphic design and art direction are by Diego Corzo. The web development is by Paola Ponce. Thanks to Jonathan Blitzer for his support.

«Bukele, el señor de Los sueños» is a podcast from Central, the series channel of Radio Ambulante Estudios.

From Radio Ambulante Studios, the product directors are Natalia Ramírez and Laura Rojas Aponte, with the assistance of Paola Alean. The audience and digital production team is formed by Samantha Proaño, Ana Pais, Analía Llorente and Melisa Rabanales. Press and community management is handled by Juan David Naranjo and Adriana Bernal.

Camilo Jiménez Santofimio is the director of alliances and financing. Carolina Guerrero is the executive producer of Central and the CEO of Radio Ambulante Estudios.

You can follow us on social media as centralpodcast RA and subscribe to our newsletter at centralpodcast.audio.

I am Eliezer Budasoff. Thank you for listening.

Credits

Reported and produced by: Silvia Viñas y Eliezer Budasoff

On-site reporting and production: Gabriel Labrador

Digital producer: Desireé Yepez

Edited by: Daniel Alarcón y Camila Segura

Editorial Consulting: Carlos Dada

Fact-checking: Bruno Scelza y Desirée Yépez

 Editorial assistant: Selene Mazón

Music and Sound Design: Elías González

Graphic Design and Art Direction: Diego Corzo

Translated by: María Jesús Zevallos